झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच

2009-11-18T19:30:00.005+05:30

ALL INDIA FORUM FOR RIGHT TO EDUCATION

306, Pleasant Apartments, Bazarghat, Hyderabad-4

Tel.: (040) 2330-5266

________________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE

09 November 2009/ New Delhi

The All India Forum for Right to Education (AIF-RTE) organized a two-day national

consultation at the Delhi University campus on 7-8 November 2009 on ‘Building a

Movement for Right to Education’ which was attended by the representatives of several

teachers’ and students’ organizations, Right to Education groups, social movements,

intellectuals and activists from 13 states of India. The national consultation expressed a

deep concern over the rapidly deteriorating condition of the education system from preprimary

stage to higher and technical education. The national consultation unanimously

noted that,

1. The recently enacted ‘The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education

Act, 2009’ (henceforth referred to as the ‘Right to Education Act, 2009’ or simply

as the ‘RTE Act 2009’) is designed to (a) enable the State to abdicate its

Constitutional obligation towards providing elementary education (class I-VIII) of

equitable quality to all children in the 6-14 year age group; (b) demolish the entire

government school system except the schools of certain elite categories (e.g.

Kendriya Vidyalayas, Navodaya Vidyalayas, XI plan’s 6,000 model schools, and

similar elite schools of the States/UT governments); and (c) increase the pace of

privatization and commercialization of school education. This Act would provide

neither free education nor education of equitable quality. Rather, it would legitimize

and maintain the multi-layered school system built through World Bank’s District

Primary Education Programme (DPEP) during the 1990s and Sarva Shiksha

Abhiyan (SSA) during the present decade. The central agenda of the Act is clearly

to privatise and commercialise the school system through neo-liberal schemes such

as Public Private Partnership (PPP), school vouchers, adoption of schools by

corporate houses, religious bodies and NGOs.

2. The decision of the government to provide for profiteering through education has

dangerous socio-political implications for the stability, solidarity and sovereignty of

the country.

3. Public Private Partnership (PPP), which includes school vouchers, outsourcing and

adoption of schools and colleges, is aimed at shifting of public funds to the

corporate capital through the back door for unbridled profiteering.

4. The Yashpal Committee Report on higher and technical education is a package of

contradictions but, in the ultimate analysis, it rationalizes and supports the neoliberal

agenda of privatisation and commercialisation of higher education

institutions, PPP and differential fee structure; and welcomes second grade (or even

worse) foreign universities and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). What is of even

greater concern is that it fails to propose any credible plan for improvement of the

quality of the existing 18,000 colleges and 400 universities in the country. Its

recommendation of replacing the existing regulatory bodies such as UGC, AICTE,

NCTE, MCI and others by a high empowered single window National Commission

of Higher Education and Research (NCHER) would enable it draw its resources

directly from the Ministry of Finance, thereby making it unaccountable to the

democratically mandated Ministry of HRD. This is certainly a prescription for

unbridled privatization and commercialization of higher education as well as entry

of foreign universities and FDI.

In light of the above, we urge upon the Union Government to,

i) replace the RTE ACT 2009 with a new Act drafted in the framework of the

‘Common School System based on Neighborhood Schools’ in consonance with

the basic spirit and principles enshrined in the Constitution;

ii) review the 86th Constitutional Amendment Act (2002) with a view to providing

a Fundamental Right to free and compulsory education of equitable quality to all

children until the age of eighteen years i.e. until class XII, including early

childhood care and pre-primary education;

iii) create all necessary provisions within the Common School System to

educate the disabled children therein, except in the case of certain extreme forms

of disabilities for whom Special Schools may be required;

iv) incorporate a Constitutional guarantee within the Act for providing

adequate funding for the entire school system, including early childhood care and

pre-primary education. This is precisely the implication of a Fundamental Right;

and

v) include in the Act a provision to completely ban all forms of privatisation

and commercialisation of education, especially Public Private Partnership (PPP),

adoption of schools by private agencies, outsourcing and voucher schools.

In addition, we demand that,

1. All private schools, aided or unaided, should be taken over by the government and

handed over to the Local Bodies for management, except in the case of those

charitable societies which give an undertaking to fulfill the same Constitutional

obligation as a Government or Local Body school, including, among others,

providing free education of equitable quality as a Neighbourhood School and

appointing teachers under service conditions and salary scales applicable to the

government school teachers.

2. Upgrade the status of all Para Teachers previously appointed in schools under

DPEP and SSA since the 1990s and include them in the cadre of regular teachers,

while, at the same time, ensuring that their educational status through pre-service

and in-service education is taken care of by the government, including its cost.

3. Enact legislation to ban all forms of privatisation and commercialisation at all

stages of education from pre-primary stage to higher and technical education, with

severe penalty clauses against profiteering.

4. All forms of Public Private Partnership (PPP), including school vouchers, adoption

by private parties and outsourcing, must be banned through legislation forthwith.

5. The State must ensure that entirely free education of equitable quality is available

at all stages of education from pre-primary to higher and technical education (“free

education from KG to PG”).

6. No foreign university should be allowed to function in India either directly or

indirectly.

7. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in education has no place at all in a country that

is required under the Constitution to become a “sovereign, socialist, secular,

democratic Republic”, apart from being entirely inconsistent with the principles of

equality and social justice enshrined therein.

8. The “offer” of higher and technical education made by the Govt. of India to the

GATS Council must be withdrawn forthwith, lest they become “commitments”.

9. The entire education system must be reconstructed to build a democratic, socialist,

secular, egalitarian, and enlightened society and to protect the sovereignty of India,

on the one hand, and the democratic and human rights of the masses, on the other.

The national consultation decided to undertake the following three-point programme:

1. Organise a massive march to the Parliament during the forthcoming budget

session of the Parliament in 2010.

2. Open a sustained dialogue with various section of society including the dalits,

tribals, OBCs, minorities, disabled and the nomadic, displaced and migrant

population, especially the women in each of these sections of society, with a

view to building a common understanding for moving towards a pro-people

and democratic education system in India founded on the principles of equality

and social justice.

3. Undertake Pad Yatras throughout the country in order to carry forward the

Right to Education movement to the district and Block levels.

Members of the Presidium & Secretariat

All India Forum for Right to Education (AIF-RTE)

Presidium

1. Sh. Prabhakar Arade (President, All India Federation of Elementary Teachers

Organisations), Kolhapur, Maharashtra.

2. Dr. Meher Engineer (President, Indian Academy of Social Sciences), Kolkata, West

Bengal.

3. Prof. G. Haragopal (Centre for Human Rights, University of Hyderabad), Hyderabad,

Andhra Pradesh.

4. Sh. Kedar Nath Pandey (General Secretary, Bihar Madhyamik Shikshak Sangh), Patna,

Bihar.

5. Ms. Madhu Prasad (Deptt. of Philosophy, Zakir Husain College, Delhi University), New

Delhi.

6. Prof. Anil Sadgopal (Former Dean, Faculty of Education, Delhi University & Former

Member, CABE), Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh.

7. Shri Sunil (Vice-President, Samajwadi Jan Parishad), Distt. Hoshangabad, Madhya

Pradesh.

Secretariat

1. Dr. Sarwat Ali (Institute of Advance Studies in Education, Jamia Millia Islamia), N.Delhi.

2. Shri Vikram Amrawat (Gujarat Vidyapeeth), Ahmedabad, Gujarat.

3. Dr. Shaheen Ansari (Ark Foundation), New Delhi.

4. Ms. Nandini Dutt Jha (Shiksha Adhikar Manch, Bhopal), Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh.

5. Ms. Radhika Menon (Mata Sundari College, Delhi University), New Delhi.

6. Shri Ramesh Patnaik (A.P. Save Education Committee), Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.

7. Dr. V.N. Sharma (Jharkhand Vigyan Manch), Ranchi, Jharkhand.

8. Shri Arvind Vaidya (Committee for Equal Fundamental Right to Education), Mumbai

vigyan shiksha

2009-09-05T06:37:00.000+05:30

प्रिय भदोरिया जी,
आप ने तो अपना इमेज ही बदल लिया है. एक टफ लोहा और स्टील टेक्नोक्रेट से सीधा वहा जहा आदमी बनते है. मेरी सद्भावना आप के साथ है.

मेरे विचार से मोबाइल साइंस लैब न तो बचचो को अपील करती है न उससे उनके विज्ञानं के लिए नज़रिए में कुछ फर्क पड़ता है. विज्ञानं के बारे में समाज के सभी अंग कुछ ऐसी अवधारणा बनाते है की यह एक जादू जैसी चीज है या फिर ये विदेश में कही होता है यह अपने घर की खेती नहीं है.

वास्तव में आप उन्हें खुद से जीवन के हर पहलू में वैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण अपनाने की तथा घरेलु छोटे मोटे प्रयोग करके सीखने की सलाह दे या करा सके तो अति उत्तम होगा.ऐसी पद्धति को हमलोग "कबाड़ से जुगाड़ तक" का नाम दिए हुए थे. घर की हर टूटे फूटे चीजो से कुछ बना लेना जो खिलौना की तरह काम करे.

बच्चे हर तरफ बीज से पौधा बनते देखते है उसपर चिंतन करे की यह कैसे हुआ तो वे ज्यादा सीखेंगे. अलग तरह के बीजो को एक ही तरह की मिटटी में डालते है एक फल और दूसरा फुल कैसे बनता है या फिर फल बनाने के लिए फुल क्यों आवश्यक है. एक उसमे मीठा तो दूसरा खट्टा कैसे बनता है? चावल को क्यों उबालकर पकाते है गेहू को आटा और फिर रोटी कचौरी बनाते है क्या और कौन सी प्रतिक्रिया होती है. टीवी में जो प्रचार होता है उसकी क्रिटिकल जांच करे जैसे मुहले के चाचीयो से सर्वे करके की वे कौन सा साबुन इस्तेमाल करती है और क्यों - सस्ता होने की वजह है या महंगा या की उससे ज्यादा सफाई होती है या की टीवी के प्रचार की वजह से .

आप जब खुद से चिंतन करेंगे तो इस तरह के हजारो वैज्ञानिक प्रश्न आपके सामने आयेंगे.

आप एक विद्यालय में एक क्लास या पड़ोस के ५-५ बचो का एक दल बनाये जो इस तरह के प्रश्न लाये और फिर इसपर एक प्रोजेक्ट की तरह काम करे फुर्सत के छनो में या रविवार को.

अगर आप ऐसे प्रयोगों के डिटेल चाहेंगे तो हम आगे आपको सूचित करेंगे. तबतक के लिए बहुत बधाईया.

"मुफ्त और अनिवार्य शिक्षा का बाल अधिकार विधेयक २००८" - असंवैधानिक, बाल विरोधी एवं शिक्षा विरोधी

2009-08-17T12:07:00.006+05:30

प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

स्वतंत्रता दिवस के उपलक्ष्य में झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच द्वारा आयोजित गोष्ठी में विभिन् वक्ताओं ने संसद द्वारा पारित "मुफ्त और अनिवार्य शिक्षा का बाल अधिकार विधेयक २००८" को असंवैधानिक, बाल विरोधी एवं शिक्षा विरोधी करार देते हुए इस बिल के प्राइवेट एवं व्यवसाय उन्मुखी होने का आरोप लगाया तथा राष्ट्रपति से इस बिल को सहमति न प्रदान करने की अपील की. झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच ने मूल रूप से संसद के द्वारा इस बिल के पास करने के तौर तरीके पर भी सवाल खड़े किये है. २४५ सदस्यों की राज्य सभा में सिर्फ ५४ सदस्यों की उपस्थिति तथा लोक सभा में ११३ क्या दर्शाता है. दोनों ही संख्या इन सदनों के कोरम के इर्द गिर्द है जो सिर्फ बिल पास करने की औपचारिकता निभाने की आवश्यकता मात्र है. इसे लोकतान्त्रिक की संज्ञा तो नहीं ही दी जा सकती. जन प्रतिनिधि एवं सरकार से यह अनुरोध किया गया है कि वे बताये कि क्या इतनी कम संख्या द्वारा समर्थित बिल लोकतान्त्रिक आवश्यकता के रूप में कभी स्वीकार की जा सकती है? क्या यह इस देश के सबसे बडी पन्चायत की तौहीन नही है? वैसे भी इस बिल को कभी भी पब्लिक वाद विवाद या जन परामर्श के दायरे में नहीं लाया गया. मंच का स्पष्ट मत है कि यह बिल सुप्रीम कोर्ट के १९९३ के ऐतिहासिक उन्नीकृष्णन फैसले से बच्चो को मिले शिक्षा के अधिकार को छीनने का कानून है. मंच का यह स्पष्ट मत है कि शिक्षा, बाज़ार मे बिकाउ वस्तु नही है यह हर नागरिक का मौलिक अधिकार है. और यह भी कि इस बिल के कानून बन जाने से

१ सभी बच्चो को सही मायने मे मुफ़्त शिक्षा नही मिल पायेगी.
२ स्कूली शिक्षा का निज़ीकरण बढेगा और शिक्षा मे मुनाफ़ाखोरी की व्यवस्था को प्रोत्साहन मिलेगा.
३ मुफ़्त और सन्तोषजनक तथा समान गुणवता वाली माध्यमिक शिक्षा का अधिकार नही मिलेगा.
4 हर सरकारी या निज़ी स्कूल समान रूप से अमीर - गरीब के लिये "पडोसी स्कूल" नही बन पायेगी.
५ विक्लान्गो के साथ हो रही गैर बराबरी ज़ारी रहेगी.
६ निज़ी स्कूलो मे मनमानी फ़ीस लेने का सिलसिला चलता रहेगा और प्रवेश की अनुमति फ़ीस तय करेगी.
७ सरकार आवश्यक धन मुहैया नही करा पायेगी और अन्ततः इसे बाज़ार पर छोड दिया जायेगा.
8 शिक्षको का आर्थिक, सामाज़िक एवम शैक्षणिक स्तर उंचा नहीं होगा.
९ शिक्षको को गैर शिक्षण कार्यो से मुक्ति नहीं मिलेगी।

10 सर्व शिक्षा अभियान जैसी बहुपरती स्कूल व्यवस्था की शिक्षा नीति को बनाये रखने में मददगार होगी।

गोष्ठी के शुरु मे मंच के अध्यक्ष डा वी एन शर्मा ने २०-२१ जून को हैदराबाद में हुई बैठक की रिपोर्ट पेश की जिसमे अखिल भारतीय शिक्षा अधिकार मंच की स्थापना और उस बैठक में लिए गए संकल्पों की जानकारी दी गयी. इसके बाद मंच के वित्त समन्यवक मो. समीउल्लाह खान ने ९ अगस्त को भारत छोडो दिवस के अवसर पर हुए भोपाल में शिक्षा अधिकार मंच के सम्मलेन तथा गवर्नर हॉउस तक हुई रैली की विस्त्रित जानकारी दी. हजारो लोगो की भीड़ को संबोधित करते हुए अखिल भारतीय शिक्षा अधिकार मंच के अध्यक्ष डा. अनिल सदगोपाल, भारत जन आन्दोलन के डा.ब्रम्हदेव शर्मा, समाजवादी जन परिषद् के सुनील, झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच के मो. समीउल्लाह खान, बिहार माध्यमिक शिक्षक संघ के सचिव श्री केदार नाथ पांडे आदि वक्ताओ ने स्पष्ट मत व्यक्त किया कि यह कानून शिक्षा को बेचने का फरमान है अतः भारत की जनता से इस असंवैधानिक, बाल विरोधी एवं शिक्षा विरोधी कानून का सक्रिय विरोध करने का आह्वान किया गया।

झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच ने अखिल भारतीय शिक्षा अधिकार मंच के संकल्प तथा इस बिल को वापस करने के उद्देश्य से राष्ट्रपति को लिखे गए अनुरोध पत्र का पूर्ण समर्थन करने का संकल्प दुहराया। गोष्ठी में वक्ताओ ने एक मत से यह विचार व्यक्त किया कि झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच इस "मुफ्त और अनिवार्य शिक्षा का बाल अधिकार विधेयक २००८" के असंवैधानिक, बाल विरोधी एवं शिक्षा विरोधी चरित्र का विरोध करने वाले हर व्यक्ति या समूह का पुरजोर समर्थन करेगी. मंच ने गरीब, अल्पसंख्यक, और झारखण्ड की पिछडी जनता और बुद्धिजीवियों से इस विधेयक को पुरी तरह से खारिज करने की अपील की. बैठक की अध्यक्षता मंच के अध्यक्ष डा. वी. एन. शर्मा ने की.

(डा. वी. एन. शर्मा)
अध्यक्ष,

झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच

कोसी के पुनर्निर्माण को कैबिनेट की मंजूरी

2008-11-12T21:51:00.000+05:30

जागरण याहू स्टोरी

Nov 12, 01:48 am

पटना। कोसी नदी की बाढ़ से तबाह इलाकों का 14 हजार 808 करोड़ रु. की लागत से पुनर्निर्माण होगा। सरकार ने महत्वाकांक्षी योजना तैयार की है जिसे मंगलवार को कैबिनेट की मंजूरी दे दी गयी। इसमें जन प्रतिनिधियों की भी भागीदारी रहेगी। बैठक में विश्वविद्यालयों के सेवानिवृत्त कर्मियों का बकाया, पेंशन भुगतान व कर्मियो के बकाया भुगतान के लिए दो सौ करोड़ की स्वीकृति दी गयी है। ग्रेटर पटना के विकास को महानगर योजना समिति नियमावली व नगरपालिका कैडर नियमावली को मंजूरी मिल गयी। वहीं अनुबंध पर सिटी मैनेजर की नियुक्ति को परीक्षा की जिम्मेदारी संयुक्त प्रवेश प्रतियोगिता परीक्षा पर्षद को सौपी गई।

बैठक के बाद कैबिनेट सचिव गिरीश शंकर ने बताया कि उत्तर बिहार में कोसी की बाढ़ से भारी तबाही के बाद राहत व बचाव के पश्चात अब प्रभावित आबादी के दीर्घकालीन पुनर्वास, इलाके के पुनर्निर्माण की आवश्यकता है। इसके लिए कोसी पुनर्निर्माण एवं पुनर्वास नीति को मंजूरी दी गयी है। कोसी पुनर्वास एवं पुनर्निर्माण परियोजना व्यापक बहु-प्रक्षेत्रीय परियोजना है। इसमें प्रभावित लोगों के मकान का निर्माण, सामुदायिक सुविधा, आधारभूत संरचना व्यवस्था, अर्थव्यवस्था एवं परिस्थितिकी को कायम रखने की नीति पर आधारित जीविका आदि का कार्यक्रम तैयार किया जाना है। नयी प्रक्रिया में प्रभावितों एवं संबंधित संस्थाओं जैसे पंचायती राज संस्थाएं, नगर निकायों को शामिल किया जाएगा और उनकी प्राथमिकता व आवश्यकता के आधार पर योजनाओं की रूपरेखा तैयार की जाएगी। निजी क्षेत्रों व गैर सरकारी संस्थाओं की भी मदद ली जाएगी।

कोसी पुनर्निर्माण के लिए तैयार कार्य योजना एवं अन्य नीतिगत निर्णयों की स्वीकृति मुख्यमंत्री की अध्यक्षता में उच्चस्तरीय समिति द्वारा दी जाएगी। इसमें उप मुख्यमंत्री सह वित्त मंत्री के अतिरिक्त संबंधित विभागों के मंत्री, मुख्य सचिव, विकास आयुक्त, वित्त सचिव, आपदा सचिव सदस्य होंगे। जिला स्तर पर जिला प्रभारी मंत्री की अध्यक्षता में अनुश्रवण समिति का गठन किया जाएगा जिसमें संबंधित क्षेत्रीय सांसद, विधायक, निकायों के अध्यक्ष व मान्यता प्राप्त राजनीतिक दलों के सदस्य शामिल रहेंगे। कोसी नवनिर्माण एवं पुनर्वास की सभी योजनाओं की मंजूरी विकास आयुक्त की अध्यक्षता में नवगठित योजना प्राधिकृत समिति देगी। इसमें विभिन्न विभागों के सचिव रहेंगे।

इसके अलावा विधानमंडल का आगामी सत्र 2 दिसम्बर से आहूत करने के प्रस्ताव को भी कैबिनेट ने हरी झंडी दे र्दी। 8 दिसम्बर तक चलने वाले सत्र के दौरान पांच बैठकें होंगी। 3 को द्वितीय अनुपूरक पेश किया जाएगा।

स्टाम्प नियमावली में संशोधन करते हुए नयी परिस्थिति में अब नये स्टाम्प वेंडरों की नियुक्ति नहीं करने का फैसला किया गया है। वहीं डाकघरों से न्यायालय शुल्क स्टाम्पों की बिक्री फ्रैंकिंग मशीन से प्रारंभ करने का निर्णय किया गया है। समाज कल्याण विभाग के प्रस्ताव पर चर्चा के बाद मानव व्यापार को रोकने एवं पीड़ितों के पुनर्वास के लिए राज्य कार्य योजना 'अस्तित्व' को मंजूरी दी गयी। राज्य में आईआईटी की स्थापना के लिए मेगा औद्योगिक पार्क के तहत प्रस्तावित 500 एकड़ जमीन के अधिग्रहण की योजना का कुल 120.30 करोड़ के अनुमानित व्यय पर प्रशासनिक स्वीकृति देते हुए चालू वर्ष में 50 करोड़ रुपये आधारभूत संरचना विकास प्राधिकार को रिलीज करने की मंजूरी दी गयी। वहीं एनआईटी पटना के लिए मेगा औद्योगिक पार्क के अंतर्गत प्रस्तावित 100 एकड़ भूमि अधिग्रहण योजना का कुल 28.13 करोड़ के अनुमानित व्यय पर प्रशासनिक स्वीकृति तथा चालू वर्ष में 10 करोड़ रुपये आधारभूत संरचना विकास प्राधिकार को रिलीज करने की स्वीकृति दी गयी। इससे संस्थान को नया परिसर व भवन निर्माण का रास्ता साफ होगा। नये परिसर में विभिन्न स्नातक स्तरीय अभियंत्रण पाठ्यक्रमों में सीटों की संख्या में वृद्धि होगी। चूंकि एनआईटी पटना में 50 फीसदी सीटें एआईईईई के माध्यम से राज्य के छात्रों का नामांकन होता है इसलिए सीटों की संख्या में वृद्धि के फलस्वरूप संस्थान के 50 फीसदी सीटों पर राज्य के छात्रों के नामांकन की सुविधा उपलब्ध हो जाएगी। कैबिनेट ने राज्य फिल्म विकास एवं वित्त निगम पटना के परिसमापन के प्रस्ताव को वापस लेने लेने पर अपनी स्वीकृति प्रदान कर दी है।

मुंबई पैसा जाएगा तो आदमी भी जाएगा: नीतीश

2008-11-12T21:46:00.000+05:30

जागरण याहू स्टोरी

Nov 12, 01:49 am

पटना। मुख्यमंत्री नीतीश कुमार ने मुंबई में बिहारियों की पिटाई के लिए जिम्मेवार मुंबई नवनिर्माण सेना प्रमुख राज ठाकरे व उसे समर्थन दे रही कांग्रेस सरकार पर सीधा निशाना साधते हुए कहा कि मुंबई में बिहार का पैसा जायेगा तो बिहारी भी वहां जायेगा। उन्होंने कहा कि बिहार का पैसा मुंबई में लगे ठाकरे व उसे समर्थन देने वाली कांग्रेस की नजर में यह ठीक है मगर यहां का आदमी पसंद नहीं। यह नहीं चलेगा।

मौलाना अबुल कलाम आजाद के जन्मदिवस पर मंगलवार को गांधी मैदान में आयोजित दो दिवसीय शिक्षा दिवस समारोह का गुब्बारे उड़ा कर उद्घाटन करते हुए मुख्यमंत्री श्री कुमार ने कहा कि सूबे में कुछ लोग 'निराशा के मसीहा' बने बैठे हैं। वे जान लें कि हम बिहार को लाठी का नहीं ज्ञान का केंद्र बनाना चाहते हैं। अब लाठी को तेल पिलाने का जमाना नहीं है। हम लाठी में तेल नहीं कलम में रोशनाई भरने का काम कर रहे हैं। मुख्यमंत्री ने इस मौके पर प्राथमिक स्कूल से बाहर रह रहे तकरीबन दस लाख महादलित व मुस्लिम समुदाय के बच्चों को शिक्षा से जोड़ने के लिए महादलित शिक्षा व तालिमी मरकज योजनाओं का भी शुभारंभकिया। उन्होंने इसी माह चार सरकारी इंजीनियरिंग कालेजों को चालू करने की घोषणा की। मुख्यमंत्री ने इस मौके पर पटना की श्रीमती रुकमिणी बनर्जी को प्रथम मौलाना आजाद शिक्षा पुरस्कार के तौर पर दो लाख रुपये नकद तथा प्रशस्ति पत्र देकर सम्मानित किया। इस मौके पर अपने हाथों उन्होंने 18 बिहारी छात्र-छात्राओं को बिहार गौरव पुरस्कार से सम्मानित किया।

मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि मुंबई पर देश को नाज है,वहां देश भर की पूंजी लगी है। संविधान ने हर नागरिक को वहां बसने की आजादी दी है मगर वहां बिहारियों को जलील करने वालों की अब हम चलने नहीं देंगे। जोश भरे अंदाज में उन्होंने कहा कि हम सूबे का इतना विकास कर देंगे कि बिहार के छात्रों को तकनीकी पढ़ाई के लिए बाहर नहीं जाना होगा बल्कि बाहर के लोगों को भी नौकरी करने के लिए यहां आना होगा। उन्होंने कहा कि सूबे में पांच नये मेडिकल खुलेंगे। इसके अलावा नेशनल इंस्टीच्यूट आफ फैशन टेक्नोलाजी सरीखे वे तमाम कोर्स जिनमें युवाओं की रूचि है बिहार में खोले जाने का विचार है।

मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि कुछ मामलों में भले ही बिहार पीछे हो मगर कुछ मामलों में हम पथप्रदर्शक हैं। मौलाना आजाद के जन्मदिवस को शिक्षा दिवस के तौर पर दो साल से बिहार सरकार मना रही है। देर से ही सही केंद्र ने भी इसे मान लिया।

मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि हमने तीन साल में स्कूल नहीं जा रहे 15 लाख बच्चों को दाखिल करवाया। दस लाख बाहर रहे महादलित व मुस्लिम बच्चों को चिह्नित किया गया है तथा उन्हें स्कूल में दाखिल करने की योजना चालू की गयी है। इसके तहत उनके ही समुदाय के लोगों के जरिये उनके पठन-पाठन, भोजन व रहने के स्थान की व्यवस्था की जायेगी। उन्हें पढ़ाने की क्षमता रखने वालों को सरकार मानदेय देकर प्रोत्साहित करेगी।

मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि इस आयोजन के जरिये सरकार के प्राथमिक से उच्च शिक्षा के विकास के तीन साल के कार्यकलाप से जुड़े विभिन्न पहलुओं को प्रस्तुत करने की कोशिश की गयी है। समारोह में मानव संसाधन विकास मंत्री हरिनारायण सिंह,पूर्व विदेश राज्य मंत्री हरिकिशोर सिंह,इमारते शरिया के महासचिव सनाउल्लाह, अल्पसंख्यक आयोग के नौशाद अहमद व मदरसा बोर्ड,वक्फ बोर्ड व संस्कृत शिक्षा बोर्ड के अध्यक्ष मौजूद थे।

इस मौके पर मुख्यमंत्री ने अभिवंचित वर्ग के बच्चों को स्कूल तक लाने में अहम योगदान करने के लिए पटना की श्रीमती रुकमिणी बनर्जी को प्रथम मौलाना आजाद शिक्षा पुरस्कार दो लाख रुपये नकद तथा प्रशस्ति पत्र देकर सम्मानित किया।

समारोह में तकनीकी संस्थानों की प्रतियोगिता परीक्षाओं में सफल पटना के शिति कंठ को आईआईटी 2008 तथा 39वें भौतिकी ओलंपियाड में गोल्ड मेडल प्राप्त करने पर डेढ़ लाख रुपये नगद, गया की भावना सिंह को सीएलएटी 2009 पीजी में प्रथम स्थान पाने पर एक लाख रुपये ,एआईआईएमएस 2008 में सफल पटना के डा. मधुकर दयाल को 50 हजार रुपये,आईआईटी जमशेदपुर परीक्षा में तीसरा स्थान पाने वाले दरभंगा के प्रणव कुमार सिंह को 50 हजार रुपये, नेशनल इंस्टीच्यूट आफ फैशन टेक्नोलाजी परीक्षा में तृतीय पटना के रोहित कुमार को 50 हजार रुपये, यूपीएससी सेंट्रल पुलिस फोर्स परीक्षा 2008 में दूसरा स्थान पाने वाले बांका के उत्ताम कश्यप को 50 हजार तथा अंतर्राष्ट्रीय ज्योतिष ओलंपियाड में स्वर्ण पदक विजेता दानापुर के शांतनु अग्रवाल को 50 हजार रुपये व प्रशस्ति पत्र प्रदान किया। इसके अलावा बिहार संयुक्त प्रतियोगिता परीक्षा में एक से तीन तक रैंक लाने वाले पटना के रमण रंजन, सुशांत कुमार, राहुल मयंक व अमित कुमार, नालंदा के विनय कुमार, खगड़िया की अनामिका भारती व प्रियंका भारती, जमुई की रजनी कुमारी, सिवान के बिनोद कुमार सिंह तथा गया के शशिकांत कुमार को तीस-तीस हजार रुपये प्रदान किये गये।

इससेपहले मुख्यमंत्री ने घूम-घूम कर वहां लगाये विभिन्न स्टालों का मुआयना किया। बाद में उन्होंने वहां आयोजित सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम का भी कुछ देर तक आनंद लिया।

राहुल में रामुलु को देखिये

2008-11-09T09:22:00.000+05:30

हिंदी पट्टी के राज्यों के पुनर्निर्माण की चुनौती
हरिवंश
मुंबई में मारे गये उत्तर भारतीय (जिनकी सूचनाएं सार्वजनिक हुई हैं)
1) 19 अक्तूबर - रामू दास - चलती ट्रेन से फेंका था, अब तक नहीं मिला - झारखंड के खूंटी का रहनेवाला - मजदूरी करता था।
2) 19 अक्तूबर - सकलदेव रजक - ट्रेन से फेंका, मौत - झारखंड के सिंदरी का - नौकरी की तलाश में था।
3) 19 अक्तूबर - पवन कुमार - पिटाई से हुई मौत - नालंदा का रहनेवाला - परीक्षा देने गया था।
4) 27 अक्तूबर - राहुल राज - एनकाउंटर में मरा - पटना का था - राज ठाकरे की तलाश में गया था।
5) 29 अक्तूबर - धर्मदेव राय - पिटाई से हुई मौत - उत्तर प्रदेश का था - मजदूरी करता था, छठ में घर लौट रहा था।गंभीर रूप से घायल
6) 30 अक्तूबर - दीनानाथ तिवारी, पत्रकार - भगवती अस्पताल में भरती - हिंदी पट्टी का - रिपोर्टिंग के दौरान गंभीर पिटाई।

अब तक मुंबई या महाराष्ट्र में पांच उत्तर भारतीयों के मारे जाने की पुख्ता सूचना है। राज ठाकरे के ऐसे आंदोलनों के आरंभिक चरणों में नासिक, नागपुर से लेकर अन्य जगहों पर भी उत्तर भारतीय मारे गये। अपमानित हुए। कई इलाकों से रातोंरात उन्हें भागना पड़ा। हजारों की संख्या में उनकी टैक्सियां या ऑटो तोड़े गये। पान की दुकानों पर हमले हुए। यहां इन घटनाओं के ब्योरा देने का मकसद, लंबी सूची देना नहीं है। हालांकि कोई युवा समूह या एनजीओ, महाराष्ट्र के विभिन्न शहरों में हिंदी पट्टी के लोगों के साथ हुए भेदभाव, अपमान, अत्याचार, हत्या, मारपीट और उजड़ जाने की घटनाओं को एकजुट कराता, तो आधुनिक भारत का महत्वपूर्ण दस्तावेज तैयार होता। दस्तावेज इन नेताओं के लिए नहीं, शासकों के लिए नहीं, बल्कि खुद हिंदीभाषी लोगों के लिए। अतीत के इस दस्तावेज से भविष्य के लिए सबक मिलेंगे।इन वारदातों में राहुल राज की घटना दूरगामी है। अब तक प्राप्त सूचनाओं के अनुसार राहुल, पटना के कदमकुआं का रहनेवाला था। 26 अक्तूबर को वह मुंबई गया था। काम की तलाश में। पर क्या हुआ कि राहुल राज, राज ठाकरे को ढूंढने निकल पड़ा? कोई अधिकारिक ब्योरा नहीं है। सूचना है कि राहुल शांत प्रवृत्ति का लड़का था। इंट्रोवर्ट। उसके मानस पर जब बिहारियों या हिंदीभाषियों के अपमान की बात आयी होगी, तो लगता है उसके अंदर युवा आक्रोश बौखलाने लगा होगा। फिर भी उसने कहीं कोई हिंसा नहीं की। न बस में यात्रा कर रहे सहयात्रियों के साथ या न किसी अन्य मुंबईवासी के साथ। वह हिंसक होता, तो उसने किसी पर गोली चलायी होती। कहीं कोई हिंसा की होती। वह बार-बार यात्रियों से कह रहा था, मैं आपको नुकसान नहीं पहुंचाऊंगा। मुंबई के जो लोग उसके साथ बस में थे, उनका विभिन्न चैनलों पर बयान था, पुलिस समझदारी से काम लेती, तो आसानी से वह पकड़ा जाता। उसे राज ठाकरे को ही मारना होता, तो वह बस हाइजैक क्यों करता? शायद उसके दिमाग में अपने गुस्से को इसी तरह सार्वजनिक बनाने की योजना रही हो। बिना किसी को कोई हानि पहुंचाये। पर महाराष्ट्र पुलिस ने उसकी हत्या की। इसके बाद वहां के गृहमंत्री आरआर पाटील का बयान आया, गोली का जवाब गोली से देंगे। लगता है, महाराष्ट्र में राज ठाकरे बनने की होड़ लग गयी है। उपमुख्यमंत्री आरआर पाटील हों या छगन भुजबल या नारायण राणे या मुख्यमंत्री विलासराव देशमुख। सबके आचरण, काम और बयान देश का संकट बढ़ानेवाले हैं। हिंदीभाषी क्षेत्रों में भी जो हिंसक प्रतिक्रिया हुई, विरोध के कटु शब्दबाण चले, वे देशहित में कतई नहीं। आज भारत को एक रखना सबसे बड़ा एजेंडा है। शायद यह गलत है, क्योंकि देश तो किसी के एजेंडे पर है ही नहीं। बहरहाल आरआर पाटील से गृहमंत्री शिवराज पाटील या भारत सरकार को यह अवश्य पूछना चाहिए कि जब हिंदी पट्टी के युवा पीटे जा रहे थे, उनकी हत्याएं हो रही थीं, तब महाराष्ट्र प्रशासन और पुलिस कहां थे? दाउद इब्राहिम के गुंडे मुंबई में आतंक मचाते रहते हैं, तब आरआर पाटील की यह गोली कहां चली जाती है? मुंबई में उग्रवादी बेखौफ विस्फोट करते हैं, तब आरआर पाटील की यह बहादुरी कहां रहती है?

Green plastics, an option to save environment

2008-11-07T20:57:00.001+05:30

Hundred per cent biodegradable plastics is the only option to save the environment, especially in the growing economies of India and China

Published on 11/7/2008 12:44:06 PM
By Neena Bhandari

http://www.igovernment.in/site/Green-plastics-an-option-to-save-environment/

Melbourne: With plastic garbage becoming the bane of modern societies, an Indian Australian scientist says 100 per cent biodegradable plastics is the only way to go, especially in the growing populated economies of India and China.

"We are providing bio-responsible material solutions for the world market that deliver all the functionality of conventional petrochemically derived plastics in an economical, totally organic and eco-sensitive way," Melbourne-based Plantic Technologies' Chief Technology Officer (CTO) Kishan Khemani said.

Plantic Technologies manufactures starch-based polymers for packaging and other applications. Its novel technology is based on the use of high-amylose corn starch, a material derived from annual harvesting of specialised non-genetically modified (hybrid) corn unlike other bioplastics companies which convert corn starch into polymers through a complex and expensive refinery process.

"This type of starch with its unique chemical and film-forming properties allows development of a range of applications across conventional plastics markets. It is not only renewably sourced, it is biodegradable and compostable unlike petrochemically derived plastics that create significant waste management costs and major environmental problems," the CTO said.

The plastics market worldwide is about 100 million tonnes and the Asia-Pacific region caters for 19 per cent of it.

"We are doing some trials with Cadburys India for chocolate boxes and will be exploring other opportunities in India as with growing affluence, use of plastics in packaging will only grow," Khemani said.

The Chief Technology Officer sees bioplastics as the only alternative to petrochemical-based plastics, especially as crude oil resources diminish and prices spiral.

He said, "Almost 50 per cent of consumers consider at least one sustainability factor in selecting consumer packaged goods items and at the same time brand owners and retailers are demanding 'green' products. Our bioplastic uses on an average 40 per cent less energy across its entire life cycle than fossil fuel plastics."

The growth rate of petrochemical plastics is five percent per annum, but as people and governments commit to reducing greenhouse gas emissions, the market for bio-polymers is forecast to grow by 230 per cent to three lakh tonnes over the next five years.

Sustainable bioplastics may be classified as polymers using biomass, polysaccharides (starch, cellulose), protein and lipids and those derived from micro-organisms or plant cells and bio-derived monomers such as lactic acid.

From food and beverage packaging to medical, automotive and aerospace applications, the Plantic technology is being used by many international companies—WalMart, Toyota, GM, DuPont, Dow, Cadbury Schweppes, Nestle, Kellogs, Kraft, Lindt—going the 'green' packaging way.

Plantic's Biodegradable Lethal Ovitrap (BLO), which is a faster, cheaper and environmentally safer way of killing mosquitoes than interior spraying techniques, can also be very useful in India for controlling the spread of dengue.

Khemani said, "The dengue mosquito lays its eggs in a container of water such as the BLO. An insecticidal strip is placed inside the bucket, creating a 'booby trap' that kills the mosquito and the eggs before they have the opportunity to spread dengue. It eliminates the risk of traps becoming breeding sites when the insecticide becomes inactive."

बचाएं अपनी पृथ्वी को

2008-11-07T20:34:00.000+05:30

आप अक्सर टीवी पर यह समाचार देखते होंगे कि उत्तरी ध्रुव की ठोस बर्फ कई किलोमीटर तक पिघल गई है। इसके अलावा, ओजोन अम्ब्रेला में छेद होने की बात भी आप सुनते होंगे या फिर भयंकर तूफान उठने की खबर पढते या टीवी पर देखते होंगे! देखकर आप जरूर सोचते होंगे कि हमारे पृथ्वी ग्रह पर ऐसा क्यों हो रहा है? दरअसल, इन सभी के लिए इनसानी गलतियां जिम्मेदार हैं, जो ग्लोबल वार्मिग के रूप में हमारे सामने हैं।

क्या है ग्लोबल वार्मिग

पृथ्वी के औसत तापमान में वृद्धि ही ग्लोबल वार्मिग कहलाता है। वैसे, पृथ्वी के तापमान में बढोत्तरी की शुरुआत 20वीं शताब्दी के आरंभ से ही हो गई थी। माना जाता है कि पिछले सौ सालों में पृथ्वी के तापमान में 0.18 डिग्री की वृद्धि हो चुकी है। वैज्ञानिकों का मानना है कि यदि धरती का टेम्परेचर इसी तरह बढता रहा, तो 21वीं सदी के अंत तक 1.1-6.4 डिग्री सेंटीग्रेड तापमान बढ जाएगा।

क्या है ग्रीन हाउस गैस?

हमारी पृथ्वी पर कई ऐसे केमिकल कम्पाउंड पाए जाते हैं, जो तापमान को बैलेंस करते हैं। ये ग्रीन हाउस गैसेज कहलाते हैं। ये प्राकृतिक और मैनमेड (कल-कारखानों से निकले) दोनों होते है। ये हैं- वाटर वेपर, मिथेन, कार्बन डाईऑक्साइड, नाइट्रस ऑक्साइड आदि। जब सूर्य की किरणें पृथ्वी पर पडती हैं, तो इनमें से कुछ किरणें (इंफ्रारेड रेज) वापस लौट जाती हैं। ग्रीन हाउस गैसें इंफ्रारेड रेज को सोख लेती हैं और वातावरण में हीट बढाती हैं। यदि ग्रीन हाउस गैस की मात्रा स्थिर रहती है, तो सूर्य से पृथ्वी पर पहुंचने वाली किरणें और पृथ्वी से वापस स्पेस में पहुंचने वाली किरणों में बैलेंस बना रहता है, जिससे तापमान भी स्थिर रहता है। वहीं दूसरी ओर, हम लोगों (मानव) द्वारा निर्मित ग्रीन हाउस गैस असंतुलन पैदा कर देते हैं, जिसका असर पृथ्वी के तापमान पर पडता है। यही ग्रीन हाउस इफेक्ट कहलाता है।

ग्रीन हाउस गैसों के स्त्रोत

कल-कारखानों, बिजली उत्पादन आदि में फॉसिल फ्यूल (कोल, पेट्रोलियम) के जलने के कारण कार्बन डाईऑक्साइड पैदा होती है। कोयला खदान की खुदाई, तेल की खोज से मिथेन गैस पैदा होती है। साथ ही, नाइट्रोजन फर्टिलाइजर से नाइट्रस ऑक्साइड बनता है। हाइड्रो-फ्लोरोकार्बन, परफ्लोरोकार्बन, सल्फर हेक्सा-फ्लोराइड आदि गैसें आधुनिक कल-कारखानों से निकले कचरे से पैदा होती हैं, जो कि ग्रीनहाउस इफेक्ट को प्रभावित करती हैं।

ग्लोबल वार्मिग के प्रभाव

क्या आप जानते हैं कि ग्लोबल वार्मिग का प्रभाव हमारे जीवन तथा आस-पास के वातावरण पर भी पडता है? समुद्री जलस्तर का बढना, ग्लेशियर का पिघलना, उत्तरी ध्रुवों का सिकुडना आदि ग्लोबल वार्मिग के प्राइमरी परिणाम हैं। इसके अलावा, मौसम में बदलाव, ऋतुओं में परिवर्तन भी ग्लोबल वार्मिग की वजह से ही होते हैं।

ग्लोबल वार्मिग से बचाव

आपने कई बार बडे-बुर्जुगों के मुंह से क्योटो प्रोटोकोल सुना होगा। दरअसल, पृथ्वी के तापमान को स्थिर रखने के लिए दशकों पूर्व काम शुरू हो गया था। लेकिन मानव निर्मित ग्रीन हाउस गैसों के उत्पादन में कमी लाने के लिए दिसंबर 1997 में क्योटो प्रोटोकोल लाया गया। इसके तहत 160 से अधिक देशों ने यह स्वीकार किया कि उनके देश में ग्रीन हाउस गैसों के प्रोडक्शन में कमी लाई जाएगी। आपको यह जानकर आश्चर्य होगा कि 80 प्रतिशत से अधिक ग्रीन हाउस गैस का उत्पादन करने

वाले अमेरिका ने अब तक इस प्रोटोकोल को नहीं माना है।

इन्हें भी जानें

ग्लोबल वार्मिग का प्रभाव

ओशन एसिडिफिकेशन (समुद्र अम्लीकरण) : वातावरण में कार्बन डाईऑक्साइड के बढने से समुद्र में भी इनकी मात्रा बढ जाती है। समुद्र का पानी घुले हुए co2 से रिएक्ट कर कार्बनिक एसिड बनाता है, जिससे समुद्र का पानी अम्लीय हो जाता है। यह एसिड कई समुद्री पौधों को समाप्त कर देता है, जिससे कई छोटे- छोटे जलीय जीव मर जाते हैं।

ग्लोबल डिमिंग : पृथ्वी द्वारा प्रकाश विकिरण में कमी ही ग्लोबल डिमिंग है। वैज्ञानिकों का मानना है कि ग्लोबल डिमिंग की मुख्य वजह मनुष्यों द्वारा निर्मित ग्रीन हाउस गैसेज हैं।

ओजोन परत में छेद: वायुमंडल में कई प्रकार के छतरीनुमा परत होते हैं, जो हानिकारक किरणों से हमारी पृथ्वी को बचाते हैं। उन्हीं परतों में से एक का नाम स्ट्रैटोस्फेयर है। दरअसल, यह ओजोन परत है, जो सूर्य की हानिकारक अल्ट्रावॉयलेट किरणों को धरती पर पहुंचने से पहले ही सोख लेती है। वैज्ञानिकों की खोज के मुताबिक सौ वर्षो में 4 प्रतिशत की दर से ओजोन की परत घट रही है। इसे ओजोन छिद्र नाम दिया गया है।

स्मिता

हाल ही में वैज्ञानिकों ने यह खोज की है कि ग्लोबल वार्मिग की वजह से आर्कटिक की बर्फ बड़ी तेजी से पिघल रही है। यदि बर्फ पिघलने की रफ्तार इसी तरह जारी रही, तो महासागरों में पानी बढ़ने के कारण दुनिया के अधिकांश टापू-देश डूब जाएंगे। क्या आप जानते हैं कि ग्लोबल वार्मिग क्या है?

OR Read A Jagran Yahoo Report in

http://in.jagran.yahoo.com/junior/?page=article&articleid=3110&edition=2008-11-07&category=11

चांद पर 2015 तक तक पड़ेंगे भारतीय कदम

2008-11-04T20:00:00.000+05:30

Nov 04, 05:54 pm

गांधीनगर। भारतीय अंतरिक्ष अनुसंधान संस्थान [इसरो] के अध्यक्ष डाक्टर जी माधवन नायर ने कहा है कि भारतीयों का चांद पर पहुंचने का स्वप्न 2015 तक हकीकत में बदल सकता है।

नायर इंडियन नेशनल कारटोग्राफिक एसोसिएशन [आईएनसीए] अंतरराष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस 2008 के 28वें तीन दिवसीय समारोह में बोल रहे थे। उन्होंने कहा किभारतीय चंद्र अभियान के तहत मानव रहित चंद्रयान-1 को सफलतापूर्वक 22अक्टूबर 2008 को श्रीहरिकोटा के सतीश धवन अंतरिक्ष केंद्र से छोड़ा गया और चंद्रयान द्वितीय को 2010-11 तक छोड़ने की उम्मीद है।

नायर ने कहा कि भारत के इस अभियान को चंद्रमास अभियान या चंद्र सैर के नाम से भी जाना जाता है। चंद्रयान प्रथम आठ नवंबर को चंद्रमा की कक्षा में प्रवेश कर जाएगा।

इस महान सफलता से भारत दुनिया का चौथा देश है जो मून क्लब मेंबर में शामिल हो जाएगा। इसके पूर्व अमेरिका, रूस और जापान ही इस क्लब में शामिल थे।

उन्होंने कहा कि भारत चार दशक से अंतरिक्ष अभियान में जुटा हुआ है। इसकी नींव प्रसिद्ध वैज्ञानिक डाक्टर विक्रम साराभाई ने रखी थी। उन्होंने कहा कि भारत आज इस क्षेत्र में कई सफलताएं हासिल कर इनसेट और आईआरएस सेटेलाइट्स के जरिये देश के अलावा अन्य कई देशों को सेवा उपलब्ध करा रहा है।

चंद्रमा के अंतरिक्ष में पहुंचा चंद्रयान-1

Nov 04, 12:25 pm

बेंगलूरू। चंद्रमा के लिए भारत का पहला मानवरहित अंतरिक्षयान चंद्रयान-1 मंगलवार सुबह चंद्रमा के अंतरिक्ष में पहुंच गया। चंद्रयान शनिवार को चंद्रमा की अपनी निर्धारित कक्षा में प्रवेश करेगा।

भारतीय अंतरिक्ष अनुसंधान संगठन [इसरो] के निदेशक एस सतीश ने बताया कि चंद्रयान को चंद्रमा के अंतरिक्ष में भेजने की कार्रवाई बहुत बढि़या तरीके से संपन्न हुई। सुबह पांच बजे के करीब उच्च तरल मोटर [लिक्विड एपजी मोटर, एलएएम] दागी गई। जिसने चंद्रयान को पृथ्वी से 380,000 किलोमीटर दूर चंद्रमा की ओर धकेल दिया।

अब चंद्रयान चंद्रमा से 1000 किमी दूर है। गौरतलब है कि धरती से चांद की दूरी 3,84,000 किमी है। चंद्रयान-1 को आठ नवंबर को चांद की सतह से 100 किमी दूर स्थित निर्धारित कक्षा में स्थापित करने की अगली जटिल प्रक्रिया के लिए तैयारियां शीघ्र ही आरंभ की जाएगी।

चंद्रयान में छह विदेशी उपकरणों सहित कुल 11 वैज्ञानिक उपकरण लगे है। इनमें अमेरिका के दो, यूरोपीय अंतरिक्ष एजेंसी के तीन और बुल्गारिया का एक उपकरण शामिल है। अन्य पांच का डिजाइन और निर्माण इसरो ने किया है।

चंद्रयान 29 अक्टूबर से ही पृथ्वी की कक्षा में चक्कर लगा रहा है। कक्षा की पृथ्वी से अधिकतम दूरी 267,000 किमी और न्यूनतम दूरी 465 किमी है।

गौरतलब है कि चंद्रयान-1 को श्रीहरिकोटा के प्रक्षेपण केंद्र से 22 अक्टूबर को प्रक्षेपित किया गया था।

Indian Moon probe pictures Earth

2008-11-04T08:16:00.000+05:30

From BBC News Service

The terrain mapping camera will eventually help compile an atlas of the Moon

India's Chandrayaan 1 spacecraft has sent back its first images.

The probe was launched on 22 October to embark on a two-year mission of exploration at the Moon.

Ground controllers in Bangalore instructed the probe to take pictures with its Terrain Mapping Camera as the spacecraft made a pass of the Earth.

Chandrayaan also fired its engines for three minutes to carry out an orbit raising manoeuvre which takes the probe closer to the lunar body.

That was the fourth manoeuvre of its type made by the spacecraft, extending its orbit to more than half the distance to the Moon.

Just one more like it is required to take Chandrayaan into the Moon's vicinity, at a distance of 384,000km from Earth.

Keeping up

The first images, taken at an altitude of 9,000km, show the northern coast of Australia while others, snapped at a height of 70,000km, show Australia's southern coast.

The camera takes black and white images at a resolution of 5m

The Terrain Mapping Camera is one of the eleven scientific instruments aboard Chandrayaan 1. The camera takes black and white pictures at a resolution of about 5m.

Once Chandrayaan reaches the Moon, it will slip into orbit to compile a 3D atlas of the lunar surface and map the distribution of elements and minerals.

The mission is regarded as a major step for India as it seeks to keep pace with other spacefaring nations in Asia.

The health of Chandrayaan 1 is being continuously monitored from the ISRO Telemetry, Tracking and Command Network (ISTRAC) in Bangalore with support from Indian Deep Space Network antennas at Byalalu.

The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) - the country's space agency - says that all systems have been performing well.

Flying car 'could be a reality within two years'

2008-11-04T08:12:00.000+05:30

(From PTI News Service)

London, Nov 3 (PTI) Flying cars may soon leap from the world of science fiction into reality, if automobile engineers are to be believed.
A team at Moller International is designing a flying car, called 'Autovolantor', based on a 200,000-pounds Ferrari 599 GTB model, which it claims would be in the market in just two years' time.

According to them, the vehicle will have the ability to take off vertically and hover, thanks to its eight powerful thrusters which direct air down for take off. Vents then tilt so the car can fly forward.

The flying car is expected to be able to do 100 mph on the ground and 150 mph in the air. The calculated airborne range is 75 miles and ground range is 150 miles.

Chief Designer Bruce Calkins said that the flying car "features a specially designed hybrid fuel and electric system to power the thrusters, creating as much as 800 horse power", and it would be able to fly at altitudes of up to 5,000 ft.

"The Autovolantor is powered by eight fans mounted in the fuselage of the vehicle. On the ground these fans push the vehicle around with a firm but not-too-powerful thrust of deflected air. Small vanes in the exit area of the ducts can direct the air forward or back, or remain in the neutral position for vertical take off and landing.

"Once in the air the vehicle manoeuvres like a helicopter, tilting nose down to move forward, rolling right or left for changes in direction. While maximum altitude could be much higher, the energy to obtain altitudes above 5,000 ft would be significant and so we expect it to stay below that height," 'The Daily Telegraph' quoted Calkins as saying. PTI

Giant hydropower plant fully operational

2008-11-01T14:03:00.000+05:30

By Zhang Qi (China Daily)
Updated: 2008-10-30 10:31
in CHINA DAILY

The last generator of China's Three Gorges Dam on the Yangtze River went online yesterday, meaning that the world's largest hydropower plant has become fully operational.

Launched in 1993, the project's original plan called for the 26 generators to produce 84.7 billion kWh of electricity annually after its completion.

This was later expanded to include six more turbines installed underground by 2012 to reach a capacity of 22,500 MW.

The project, operated by China Three Gorges Project Corporation (CTGPC) at a total cost of 180 billion yuan, now provides a total installed capacity of 18,200 MW with 26 generators, each with an installed capacity of 700 MW.

The electricity generated by the project fuels 15 provinces in central, eastern and southern China, easing power shortages in industrial regions.

China is increasingly turning to hydropower as a clean, alternative solution to its growing energy demand.

Hydropower is expected to account for 28 percent of the country's total power generation by 2015, up from the current 20 percent, according to the National Development and Reform Commission.

"The Three Gorges Project indicates how far China has progressed in renewable energy, being the leader in the hydroelectric field in terms of unit design, manufacturing, installation and operation," said Lin Chuxue, vice-president of CTGPC.

China now has a total installed hydropower capacity of 145 million kW.

OR Read in
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2008-10/30/content_7158350.htm

The pictorial and numerical data of Elleptical orbits of Chandrayaan-1

2008-11-01T13:00:00.004+05:30

The two educative links for pictorial and numerical data of Ellipticalorbits of Chandrayaan-1 have been provided in
http://www.hindu.com/seta/2008/10/30/stories/2008103050121400.htm

and numerically here:
http://www.unmannedspaceflight.com/index.php?showtopic=2686&st=90

Numerical Table as per new Orbit Transfer Strategy (Chandrayaan-I) ...Earth Bound ओर्बिट्स
१. Elliptical orbit - Perigee: 255km, Apogee: 22,८६०km
२. Highly Elliptical orbit - Perigee: 300kmApogee: १६००००km
3. Intermediate transfer orbit - Perigee: 300kmApogee: 2,60,०००km
4. Extremely high elliptical orbit: Perigee: 300kmApogee: 3,87,०००km
५. Extremely high elliptical orbit: Perigee: 2०००kmApogee: 3,84,०००km

Moon Bound ओर्बिट्स
1। Lunar orbit 1 - Perigee: 500kmApogee: 5000km
2. Lunar orbit 2 - Perigee: 100kmApogee: 5000km
3. Lunar orbit 3 - Perigee: 100kmApogee: 100km

Chandrayaan a shot in the arm, ISRO plans next mission

2008-10-30T14:40:00.000+05:30

Press Trust Of India

Bangalore: With Chandrayaan-1 well on its way to moon without any glitch, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has now initiated a dialogue with its Russian counterpart on worksharing of Chandrayaan-2 which features a lander and a rover.

"Conceptual studies are in place. Overall configuration is finalised but the scientific experiments are yet to be finalised. It may take six months (for finalisation)", ISRO Chairman G Madhavan said.

"The lander will be from Russia. The Russian space agency is cooperating with us. The rover will be a joint development between Russia and India.

Many of the scientific instruments (payloads on board Chandrayaan-2) will be from India", Nair, also Secretary in the Department of Space, said.

Unlike the Chandrayaan-1, which will orbit the moon at an altitude of 100 km mapping topography and the mineralogical content of the lunar soil, the Chandrayaan-2 mission involves a lunar orbiting spacecraft and a lander and a rover on the moon's surface.

Project Director of Chandrayaan-1 Mayilsami Annadurai said the Government has approved a Rs 4.25-crore budget for the Chandrayaan-2 venture, with seed money of Rs 50 crore already in place.

Even for building the lander, India can contribute its expertise, Annadurai said, adding, work-sharing discussions on the mission (who will do what) are in progress with the Russian space agency.

Note: The Launching Pad for the next mission Chandrayaan -2 is already under construction in Heavy Engg. Corpn. at Ranchi. We are proud of this achievement as the Launching Pad for Chandrayaan-1 was also built here in HEC itself.

Chandrayaan-1 gets closer to Moon

2008-10-29T18:28:00.000+05:30

Bangalore, Oct 29 (PTI) The fourth orbit-raising manoeuvre of Chandrayaan-1 was carried out today which took the lunar spacecraft closer to the moon, the Indian Space Research Organisation said here।During this operation at 0738 hours, the spacecraft's 440 Newton liquid engine was fired for about three minutes, the Bangalore-headquartered space agency said in a statement."With this, Chandrayaan-1 entered into a more elliptical orbit whose apogee (farthest point to earth) lies at 2,67,000 km while the perigee (nearest point to earth) lies at 465 km. Thus, Chandrayaan-1 spacecraft's present orbit extends more than half the way to the moon," ISRO said.In this orbit, the spacecraft takes about six days to go round the earth once.The health of the spacecraft is being continuously monitored from the Spacecraft Control Centre at ISRO Telemetry, Tracking and Command Network (ISTRAC) here with support from Indian Deep Space Network antennas at Byalalu near here.ISRO said all systems on board the spacecraft are performing normally.One more orbit raising manoeuvre is scheduled to send the spacecraft to the vicinity of the moon at a distance of about 3,84,000 km from the earth, it said. -PTI रिपोर्ट.

The Three Reports

2008-10-27T07:00:00.000+05:30

Sunday, October 26, 2008

कैग ने गृह मंत्रालय की खिंचाई की

Oct 26, 02:27 pm

नई दिल्ली। भारत के नियंत्रक एवं महालेखा परीक्षक [कैग] ने राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा पर मंत्री समूह [जीओएम] के आदेशों का उल्लंघन कर बड़ी संख्या में सुरक्षाकर्मियों को मंत्रालयों एवं दूसरे सरकारी कार्यालयों में तैनात करने को लेकर गृह मंत्रालय की खिंचाई की है।

संसद में अपनी रिपोर्ट पेश करते हुए कैग ने कहा कि गृह मंत्रालय ने जीओएम के आदेशों को लागू करने के बजाए बीएसएफ और सीआरपीएफ को मंत्रालय के कामों में लगाया। इसने कहा कि सुरक्षाकर्मियों की तैनाती का विश्लेषण करने पर पाया गया कि विभिन्न रैंकों के सुरक्षाकर्मियों को बड़ी संख्या में मंत्रालयों एवं अन्य सरकारी कार्यालयों में गृह मंत्रालय की अनुशंसा पर तैनात किया गया। कैग की रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि बीएसएफ और सीआरपीएफ के मुख्यालयों और इसके महानिदेशक के दिल्ली कार्यालयों में सुरक्षाकर्मियों की संख्या स्वीकृत संख्या की तुलना में बहुत ज्यादा है। ऐसा इसलिए है कि बड़ी संख्या में सुरक्षाकर्मियों को उनके सामान्य कार्यस्थल से हटाकर मुख्यालयों में कई सालों तक उनकी तैनाती कर दी जाती है।

रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि बीएसएफ के मामले में अनधिकृत अतिरिक्त सुरक्षाबलों की तैनाती 168 फीसदी है, जबकि सीआरपीएफ के मामले में यह 32 फीसदी है। कैग की रिपोर्ट में बताया गया है कि सुरक्षाकर्मियों को कार्यस्थलों से हटाकर दिल्ली स्थित उनके महानिदेशकों के कार्यालयों में तैनात करने से राजकोष को जबरदस्त हानि हुई। कैग की रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र की ईकाईयों को सुरक्षा उपलब्ध कराने वाली सीआईएसएफ को लंबे समय से उसकी सेवा के बदले आठ करोड़ 12 लाख रुपये का बिल भुगतान नहीं किया गया। बिल का भुगतान नहीं करने वालों में एयरपोर्ट अथारिटी आफ इंडिया, हिंदुस्तान आर्गेनिक केमिकल्स और हिंदुस्तान एयरोनोटिक्स लिमिटेड शामिल हैं। कैग ने आईटीबीपी के महानिरीक्षक की भी खिंचाई की है। इसने कहा कि उसके कार्यस्थलों से 30 से 40 गाडि़यों को अवैध तरीके से हटाकर मुख्यालय में तैनात किया गया है। इससे 2002-03 से 2006-07 के बीच पेट्रोल, डीजल और रखरखाव पर एक करोड़ 39 लाख रुपये बर्बाद किए गए।

// posted by Dr.V.N.Sharma @ 4:19 PM 0 comments

जलवायु परिवर्तन संस्थान कायम करने की सिफारिश

Oct 26, 02:28 pm

नई दिल्ली। संसद की एक समिति ने जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभावों से निपटने के मकसद से पृथ्वी विज्ञान मंत्रालय या विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी मंत्रालय के तहत एक राष्ट्रीय संस्थान कायम करने की सिफारिश की है।

संसद में हाल में पेश की गई विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी और पर्यावरण संबंधी संसदीय स्थायी समिति ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में यह सिफारिश की है। रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि जलवायु परिवर्तन के प्रभावों को कम करने और विभिन्न उपाय अपनाने के लिए व्यापक अध्ययन एवं शोध तथा उच्च स्तरीय तकनीकी विशेषज्ञता की जरूरत है।

अन्नाद्रमुक नेता की अध्यक्षता वाली इस समिति ने कहा कि मौसम बदलाव और इसके प्रभावों से निपटने के लिए राष्ट्रीय अनुसंधान एजेंडा की पहल करने की जरूरत है। इसके लिए पृथ्वी विज्ञान मंत्रालय या विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी मंत्रालय के तहत अलग से एक राष्ट्रीय जलवायु परिवर्तन संस्थान कायम किया जा सकता है।

दुनिया के तापमान में हो रही वृद्धि और भारत पर इसके प्रभाव के बारे में समिति की रिपोर्ट में कहा गया कि जलवायु परिवर्तन के बारे में इस बात को लेकर चिंताएं हैं कि इससे हिमालयी ग्लेशियर पर विपरीत असर पड़ सकता है और यह पिघल सकते हैं। कुछ अनुमानों के अनुसार हमारे ग्लेशियर पिछले 40 सालों में 21 प्रतिशत पिघले हैं। समिति ने कहा कि पिछले पचास सालों में हालांकि कई राष्ट्रीय संस्थानों और विश्वविद्यालयों ने विभिन्न प्रयास किए हैं, लेकिन फिर भी भारतीय ग्लेशियरों पर दुनिया में सबसे कम अध्ययन हुआ है।

संसदीय समिति ने कहा कि हिमालयी ग्लेशियरों के बारे में अनुसंधान प्रयासों को मजबूती देने की आवश्यकता है। रिपोर्ट में कहा गया कि मध्य दक्षिण पूर्व एवं दक्षिण पूर्व एशिया में विशेषकर इनकी बड़ी नदियों की घाटियों में ताजे जल की उपलब्धता 2050 तक कम होने का पूर्वानुमान व्यक्त किया गया है। यह सीधे तौर पर हमारे लिए चिंता की बात है। इसमें कहा गया कि एशिया के तटवर्ती क्षेत्र विशेषकर दक्षिण पूर्व एवं दक्षिण पूर्व एशिया के विशाल डेल्टा क्षेत्र में बाढ़ के रूप में समुद्री जल घुस आने की आशंका अधिक है और कई मामलों में नदियों में भी भीषण बाढ़ आने का खतरा है। इन खतरों से हमारे विशाल डेल्टा क्षेत्र विशेषकर सुंदरवन अछूते नहीं रहेंगे।

समिति के अनुसार अनुमान व्यक्त किया जा रहा है कि जलवायु परिवर्तन से तेजी गति से हो रहे शहरीकरण, औद्योगिकीकरण और आर्थिक विकास से जुड़े प्राकृतिक संसाधनों और पर्यावरण पर दबाव बढ़ जाएगा। इसने कहा कि दक्षिण पूर्व एवं दक्षिण पूर्व एशिया में जलवायु परिवर्तन के कारण बाढ़ एवं सूखे की वजह से होने वाली बीमारियों एवं मृत्यु का खतरा भी बढ़ सकता है।

रिपोर्ट में कहा गया कि जलवायु परिवर्तन के मामले में भारत की अधिक मजबूत स्थिति नहीं होने के कारण यह जरूरी है कि इसके प्रभावों को कम करने के उपाय अपनाने के अलावा गरीबी कम करने के प्रयासों को तेज किया जाए।

// posted by Dr.V.N.Sharma @ 4:11 PM 0 comments

परमाणु अनुसंधान के कोष पर केंद्र की खिंचाई

ajagran-yahoo report

Oct 26, 01:20 pm

नई दिल्ली। संसद की एक स्थायी समिति ने भाभा परमाणु अनुसंधान केंद्र [बीएआरसी] सहित देश के प्रमुख संस्थानों की अनुसंधान एवं विकास परियोजनाओं के लिए कोष में कमी किए जाने पर सरकार की जमकर खिंचाई की है।

विज्ञान प्रौद्योगिकी पर्यावरण एवं वन मामलों की संसदीय समिति ने परमाणु ऊर्जा विभाग से कहा है कि वह अपने कार्यक्रमों को आगे बढ़ाने के लिए पर्याप्त कोष आवंटन का मामला आगे बढ़ाए। समिति ने पाया कि बीएआरसी इंदिरा गांधी सेंटर फार एटामिक रिसर्च, वेरिएबल एनर्जी साइक्लोट्रोन सेंटर, राजा रमन्ना सेंटर फार एडवांस्ड टेक्नोलॉजी, टाटा इंस्टीट्यूट आफ फंडामेंटल रिसर्च सहित विभिन्न संस्थानों में अनुसंधान एवं विकास की योजनाओं के लिए कोष में कटौती कर दी गई।

समिति ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में कहा है कि प्रमुख प्रौद्योगिकियों के व्यापक अनुसंधान एवं विकास में जुटे अग्रणी संस्थानों के कोष में कटौती की गई है। निश्चित रूप से इससे परमाणु ऊर्जा के लिए किए जा रहे अनुसंधान एवं विकास पर असर पड़ेगा। रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है कि समिति यह नहीं समझ पा रही है कि कोष आवंटन में कटौती के बाद विभाग परमाणु ऊर्जा के क्षेत्र में अपने लक्ष्य हासिल कैसे करेगा।

समिति ने उम्मीद जताई है कि भविष्य में योजना आयोग और वित्त मंत्रालय विभाग के आवंटन को अंतिम रूप देते समय पूरी सावधानी बरतेंगे। सरकार ने समिति को बताया कि उसने वित्त मंत्रालय और योजना आयोग का ध्यान इस ओर आकर्षित किया है और भविष्य में विभाग के आवंटन को अंतिम रूप देते समय पूरी सावधानी बरती जाएगी। समिति ने कहा कि परमाणु ऊर्जा विभाग को अपने महत्वपूर्ण कार्यक्रमों एवं परियोजनाओं के लिए व्यापक आवंटन की मांग को जोरदार तरीके से आगे बढ़ाना चाहिए ताकि बजट अनुमान में इसके लिए पर्याप्त आवंटन सुनिश्चित हो सके। समिति ने यह भी कहा कि विभाग ने बजट आवंटन का प्रस्ताव रखने या उसे अंतिम रूप देने से पहले चल रही परियोजनाओं एवं कार्यक्रमों की प्रगति की निगरानी एवं समीक्षा के लिए जो निगरानी प्रणाली विकसित की है उसे भी यह सुनिश्चित करना चाहिए कि कोष में कटौती की कोई संभावना न रहे। सरकार ने समिति को बताया कि वर्तमान निगरानी प्रणाली कारगर तरीके से काम कर रही है।

Chandrayaan-1 nears 75,000 km height, NASA scientists ring up ISRO, want to work in 'desi' missions

2008-10-26T15:00:00.000+05:30

Press Trust of India News Service
1.Chandrayaan-1 nears 75,000 km height, inches closer to Moon
Bangalore, Oct 25 (PTI) India's Chandrayaan-1 has covered 20 per cent of its journey towards Moon as ISRO scientists today performed the second orbit-raising manoeuvre.
The lunar spacecraft's on-board 440 Newton Liquid engine was fired for about 16 minutes from 5.48 am.

With this engine firing, Chandrayaan-1's apogee (farthest point to earth) has been raised to 74,715 km, while its perigee (closest point to earth) has been raised to 336 km, ISRO spokesperson S Satish said.

ISRO chairman G Madhavan Nair termed today's orbit-raising operation as "record-breaking".

"So far, Indian-made satellites have reached to a height of only 36,000 km. Today's firing has taken Chandrayaan-1 to something like 75,000 km. That's well beyond what we have reached so far. It was a good event, and done precisely," Nair, also secretary in the Department of Space, said.

Indicating the complexity of the India's first unmanned lunar mission, he said when the spacecraft is closer to the earth, its gravitational field is well defined and scientists can shape the trajectory.

"When you go further and further, earth's influence comes down. Influence of Moon and Sun becomes predominant. Even other planets will have an influence on it," he said.

Moon lies at a distance of about 3,84,000 km from earth. ISRO officials said Chandrayaan-1 is expected to settle into lunar orbit, 100 km above Moon, on November 8.

All systems on board the spacecraft, launched on October 22, were functioning normally, ISRO said, adding that further orbit-raising manoeuvres to take Chandrayaan-1 to still higher orbits are planned in the next few days. PTI

2. NASA scientists ring up ISRO, want to work in 'desi' missions

Bangalore, Oct 25 (PTI) Several NASA scientists -- of Indian origin and foreigners alike -- are knocking the door of Indian Space Research Organisation looking for opportunities to work in future 'desi' space missions following the success of Chandrayaan-1 launch, a senior ISRO official said today.
Project Director of Chandrayaan-1, India's first unmanned lunar mission, Mayilsamy Annadurai says he definitely sees a "small trend" of what he calls "reverse brain-drain".

"Some of my friends and juniors working there (NASA) are looking for opportunities for working in ISRO," Annadurai said here.

He said at least half-a-dozen of them had approached him seeking openings in the Indian space agency and he knew that "a good number of foreigners" were also looking for such jobs.

Other senior ISRO officials sure would have got similar calls, he said. The question they are all asking is: "Is there any opportunity for working in future missions of ISRO".

India's Chandrayaan-1, launched on Oct 22, is carrying 11 payloads (scientific instruments) -- two from NASA, three from European Space Agency, one from Bulgaria and five from India.

"Fifty per cent of the instruments have come from outside. It's symbolic. Instead of we going there, they have come along with us as co-passengers," Annadurai said.

ISRO Chairman G Madhavan Nair said "comments and observations with envy that have come from overseas after Chandrayaan-1's launch reaffirms ISRO's matured and advanced technologies." After the launch, US Democratic Presidential nominee Barak Obama had said India's mission should be a wake-up call to America, and should remind his nation that it was getting complacent or sloppy about maintaining its position as the foremost nation in space exploration. PTI

FDA Conspired with Chemical Industry to Declare Bisphenol-A Harmless

2008-10-25T14:05:00.000+05:30

(Courtsey :NaturalNews)
Friday, October 24, 2008 by: Mike Adams (see all articles by this author)

Key concepts: The FDA, BPA and Health

The FDA has been caught red-handed conspiring with the chemical industry to conclude that Bisphenol-A, the plastics chemical, is harmless to human health. As revealed by the Environmental Working Group (see below), the FDA based its evaluation of BPA on a report authored by the American Chemistry Council (ACC), a trade group that represents chemical companies and plastics manufacturers.

The FDA's evaluation concluded that BPA was perfectly safe for consumers of any age, including infants. This conclusion stands in direct opposition to the Canadian government, which declared BPA to be a toxic chemical on Oct. 18 and moved towards banning the chemical in baby bottles.

Even the U.S. National Institutes of Health says BPA may be dangerous, admitting it is concerned about BPA's "effects on development of the prostate gland and brain and for behavioral effects in fetuses, infants and children."

How the FDA conspires with industry

The FDA, however, has never met a corporate-sponsored chemical it didn't like. Thanks to industry pressure, the FDA has once again stepped to the tune of private industry while betraying the safety of the American consumer. This decision on BPA is the latest example of why the FDA has become an enormous threat to the health and safety of the American people.

Two days ago, NaturalNews reported the FDA's masterminding of an extortion racket that targets small health supplement companies and threatens their owners with imprisonment if they don't pay huge sums of money to FDA contractors (http://www.naturalnews.com/024567.html).

It is now clear to most independent observers that the FDA is operating a criminal protect racket that seeks to multiply the profits of drug companies and chemical companies while betraying the health and safety of the American people. FDA decision boards are routinely stacked with "experts" who are on the take from the corporations impacted by their decisions, and even while the FDA is giving the big thumbs up to deadly pharmaceuticals and cancer-causing chemicals, it is targeting health supplement companies with threats so severe they would be considered criminal if uttered by anyone else.

Thanks to the FDA, it remains illegal in the United States to even link to a scientific study on the health benefits of cherries if you happen to sell cherries. Telling the truth about anti-cancer herbs can land you in prison, and placing a customer testimonial on your health product website can earn you a visit from FDA agents accompanied by armed SWAT-style assault teams (http://www.naturalnews.com/021791.html).

The FDA, it seems, has turned reality upside down and is now telling us that all the poisons are safe while all the natural substances are dangerous. Consider this:

According to the FDA:

• Aspartame is perfectly safe, but stevia is too dangerous to use in foods

• Vioxx is perfectly safe, but cherries are too dangerous to treat arthritis pain

• Chemotherapy is safe enough for everyone, but anti-cancer herbs might poison you

• Vaccines are so safe that we should inject all our teenage girls with them, but Vitamin D has no biological benefit whatsoever and has no effect on preventing infections

• Bisphenol-A is safe enough for babies to drink, but human breast milk is dangerous and outlawed from being sold

The FDA: Harming babies for profit

The number of babies that have been harmed or killed by the FDA is beyond accounting. This agency, through its outright abandonment of its duty to protect the People, has established itself as the single most dangerous organization operating on U.S. soil, far exceeding the harm posed by criminal gangs, white-collar criminals or even terrorist cells.

In the United States today, bankers who steal the People's money go free. Politicians who steal the People's vote stay in power. And regulatory agencies that steal the People's health are given yet more money by Congress. Is there no justice left in America? Is there no agency remaining that's willing to arrest the criminals who work for the United States government? When did the People surrender their freedoms to the jackals in Washington?

"Fascism should more properly be called corporatism, since it is the merger of state and corporate power." --Benito Mussolini

"Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone." -- Thomas Jefferson

"A truth's initial commotion is directly proportional to how deeply the lie was believed. It wasn't the world being round that agitated people, but that the world wasn't flat. When a well-packaged web of lies has been sold gradually to the masses over generations, the truth will seem utterly preposterous and its speaker a raving lunatic." -- Dresden James.

What follows is the original press release written by the Environmental Working Group (www.EWG.org)

OR Please Read in

http://www.naturalnews.com/024593.html

Dancing molecules “trapped”

2008-10-24T13:11:00.000+05:30

Oct. 22, 2008
Courtesy American Institute of Physics
and World Science staff

Biology is chock full of art. For decades, scientists have probed some of the tiniest structures of life’s bas ic build ing molecular blocks, such as DNA or pro teins, rendering full-color ball-and-stick models of them that fill the pages of journals and adorn the trophy cases of biology depart ments every where.

While these representations reveal some of the most intricate molecular details of life, they of ten fall short in depicting how a molecule moves.

Just as the perfect picture of a horse can not convey the fluidity of it gallop, so does a frozen pic ture of DNA fail in describing its intricate dance.

“These are wet, warm, squishy things,” said Adam Cohen of Harvard University. They jiggle, they flap, they twist, they turn, and they randomly “walk” about.

Studying how a single molecule moves is hard, how ever, because of these very motions. Like a horse, if you set a single molecule free, it will wander away. You can tie it down, ensuring that it no longer wanders, but then you can’t necessarily observe how it moves.

Now, thanks to a machine built by Cohen and colleagues at Harvard, it may be possible to con fine a single molecule and study its motions at the same time. Cohen presented his findings this week in Boston at the annual symposium and exhibition of the American Vacuum Society, a part of the American Institute of Physics.

The machine basically uses a variable electric field to trap a single molecule under a microscope, Cohen said. It does this by tracking the molecule’s motion and then rapidly applying tiny electric pulses to counter this motion and zap the molcule back in to place. Cohen described how he and his colleagues can use this machine to look at things like virus particles or single pieces of DNA.

Cohen reported that his group recently made a movie by capturing 60,000 high-speed frames of a DNA molecule dancing. The studies show the nature of the molecule’s internal forces, said Co hen, and these properties give in formation about how DNA interacts in a biological setting.

* * *rt. For dec ades, sci en tists have probed some of the ti ni est struc tures of life’s bas ic build ing

Send us a comment on this story, or send it to a friend

OR Read in the link

http://www.world-science.net/othernews/081021_moleculesl blocks, such as DNA or pro teins, ren der ing full-color ball-and-stick mod els of them that fill the pages of journals and adorn the tro phy cases of bi ol o gy de part ments every where.

“These are wet, warm, squishy things,” said Ad am Co hen of Har vard Uni ver s ity. They jig gle, they flap, they twist, they turn, and they ran domly “walk” about.

Stud y ing how a sin gle mol e cule moves is hard, how ev er, because of these very mo tions. Like a horse, if you set a sin gle mol e cule free, it will wan der away. You can tie it down, ensur ing that it no long er wan ders, but then you can’t nec essarily ob serve how it moves.

Now, thanks to a ma chine built by Co hen and col leagues at Har vard, it may be pos si ble to con fine a sin gle mol e cule and study its mo tions at the same time. Co hen pre sented his findings this week in Bos ton at the an nu al sym po si um and ex hibi tion of the Amer i can Vac u um So ci e ty, a part of the Amer can In sti tute of Phys ics.

The ma chine bas ic ally uses a var i a ble elec tric field to trap a sin gle mol e cule un der a mi cro scope, Co hen said. It does this by track ing the mol e cule’s mo tion and then rap idly ap ply ing ti ny elec tric pulses to count er this mo tion and zap the mol cule back in to place. Co hen de scribed how he and his colleagues can use this ma chine to look at things like vi rus par i cles or sin gle pieces of DNA.

Co hen re ported that his group re cently made a mov ie by cap tur ing 60,000 high-speed frames of a DNA mol e cule dancing. The stud ies show the na ture of the mol e cule’s in ter nal forc es, said Co hen, and the

S us a

Chandrayaan-! lifted off successfully for Moon

2008-10-22T07:23:00.000+05:30

Dear All,
First Indian Moon Mission Chandrayaan lifted off this morning successfully
from Sriharikota launching pad (made by HEC, Ranchi). So far everything in
the Mission is working in a perfect manner and it ha got located in the
elliptical orbit.
Here's a link you might be interested in: Click on the link below to read
the full story
<http://www.ibnlive.com/news/chandrayaan-lifts-off-for-moon/76415-11.html>

Video link:http://www.ibnlive.com/videos/76415/10_2008/chandrayan_launched1_pcr/perfect-launch-for-chandrayaan.html

CHANDRAYAAN LIFTS OFF FOR MOON

Agencies

Published on Wed, Oct 22, 2008 at 01:44, Updated on Wed, Oct 22, 2008 at 06:35 in Sci-Tech section

Tags: Chandrayaan Countdown, Isro

E-mail this report | Print this report

TO THE MOON: PSLV rocket carrying Chandrayaan after the launch at Sriharikota.

Related Headlines

Keywords: Chandrayaan Launch , Pslv, Chandrayan, Isro

Sriharikota, Andhra Pradesh: India’s first unmanned flight to the moon blasted off from Sriharikota, off the Andhra Pradesh coast, early morning on Wednesday.

The launch was perfect and the space vehicle is going in the right direction.

A 44-metre-tall and 316-tonne rocket called the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV C11) carried the 1,380-kg lunar orbiter Chandrayaan 1 from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre in Sriharikota at around 0620 hrs IST.

"Eighteen minutes into the flight the rocket will sling the spacecraft into the 255-km perigee (nearest point to earth) and 23,000 km apogee (farthest point from earth) path to script a new history in the annals of India's space odyssey," S Satish, director of ISRO’s Publications and Press Relations department, told IANS hours before the launch.

From there the spacecraft will be taken into more elliptical orbits, firing its onboard motor—technically called Liquid Apogee Motor (LAM)—towards the moon, 387,000 km from the earth.

Once the spacecraft nears the moon, the LAM will be fired in reverse to slow it down to enable the moon's gravity to capture Chandrayaan 1 into an elliptical orbit around the lunar poles.

Thereafter the spacecraft's orbit will be gradually lowered till it is 100 km above the moon's surface. That is expected to happen around November 8.

On November 14 the spacecraft will eject an important piece of luggage on to the moon's surface: the moon impact Probe (MIP).

Mission statement

A principal objective of Chandrayaan is to look for Helium 3, an isotope which is very rare on earth but is sought to power nuclear fusion and could be a valuable source of energy in the future, some scientists believe. It is thought to be more plentiful on the moon, but still rare and very difficult to extract.

The Rs 386-crore mission is also expected to carry out a detailed survey of the moon to look for precious metals and water. "We are going to get a three-dimensional atlas of the moon's surface, which will be used for chemical and mineralogical mapping of the entire lunar surface," Bhaskar Narayan, an ISRO director told Reuters.

While much of the technology involved in reaching the moon has not changed, analysts say current mapping equipment allows for the exploration of new areas, including below the surface.

Of the 11 instruments carried by Chandrayaan, five are Indian, three are from the European Space Agency, two from the US and one from Bulgaria.

NASA is sending up a Mini Synthetic Aperture Radar that can search for ice — an important resource for any human settlements — under the lunar poles.

India is the sixth nation to send a nation to send a mission to moon after the US, former Soviet Union, European Space Agency, China and Japan. The United States is the only nation to have landed a man on the lunar surface, doing so for the first time in 1969.

In 2003, China became the first Asian country to put its own astronauts into space. It followed that last month with its first spacewalk.

Last year China also blasted an old satellite into oblivion with a land-based anti-satellite missile, the first such test ever conducted by any nation, including the United States and Russia.

(With inputs from IANS, Reuters and AP)

Greatest Particle Accelerator

2008-08-30T13:07:00.000+05:30

There is going to be a Great Leap Forward in the development of Physics, and in other words Science। On 10th Sept. an Expt will be conducted at CERN laboratory at Geneva, Switzerland by moving Protons at 1.90K, at the speed very close to the velocity of light, in many laps around 27 km lond ring of Large Hadron Collider (believed to be daddy of all particle Accelerators) to finally collide with the protons coming from opposite direction. The data and other informations like new particles etc will be a product of this expt. which is expected to bring about revolutionary changes in our knowledge of Physics. May pl. read some more details in the links below?

।newscientist.com/channel/fundamentals/large-hadron-collider/mg19926711.300?DCMP=NLC-nletter&nsref=mg19926711.300">http://www।newscientist.com/channel/fundamentals/large-hadron-collider/mg19926711.300?DCMP=NLC-nletter&nsref=mg19926711.300

http://technology.newscientist.com/channel/tech/mg19926711.400-large-hadron-collider-extreme-machine.html

Non-Negotiable amendments in RTE Bill 2008

2008-08-29T09:56:00.000+05:30

Amendments to the Right to Education Bill 2008
Preliminary Remarks:

(i) These amendments address the text of February 2, 2008, of the Right to Education Bill circulated by the Government of India among the Ministries concerned before the Bill could be introduced in the Parliament. Since the Bill is still under consideration by the Government, it may be further revised. But the revisions are not likely to be many.
(ii) The amendments suggested here are not completely inclusive. Only essential amendments are suggested. It is assumed that once some of the basic amendments are accepted, consequential amendments would have to be made. There is no attempt here to suggest such consequential amendments.
(iii) There is also no attempt to suggest exact formulations of the amendments. Only the substance of the amendments to be made are indicated.
(iv) These amendments are confined to the text of the Right to Education Bill. Other issues relating to school education which are of great concern to many of us are not raised here. These include providing compulsory and free education to children in the age group 4 to 6, defining the term “children” to include those in the age group 15 to 18, commodification of education, privatisation of education, likely offer in the primary education sector in the ongoing negotiations on services, in WTO etc. These issues will have to be raised independently in other appropriate forums and contexts.

A. Non-negotiable amendments:
(1) Financial implications of the Bill:
There is no attempt in the Bill to calculate the financial implications
of ensuring the availability of the various components of free and compulsory education. Some norms and standards are specified in the schedule to the Bill but there is no effort to put any price tags to them. Unless the required financial resources are calculated and provision made in the Bill that the State shall provide them in a time bound framework, the time targets set out in the Bill are unlikely to be met, and free and compulsory education to the children in the age group 6 to 14 is unlikely to be available in the foreseeable future. It is, therefore, necessary to calculate the over-all financial implications of the Bill and submit to the Parliament a Financial Memorandum attached to the Bill.
Regarding financial resources, the assumption in the Bill is that the enhanced financial resources made available to the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), including States’ contribution to it, will take care of the financial requirement. This assumption is not justified. To illustrate this point by one set of figures, it may be pointed out that the total resources for Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan including the contribution of the State governments, in the 11th Five Year Plan is Rs.1,51,453 Crores. This comes to an annual resource allocation of a little above Rs.30,000 Crores. This is far short of approximately Rs.73,000 Crores per annum which was the estimate given by the Expert Group set up by the CABE Committee on the Right to Education Bill.

(2) Norms & Standards:
Norms and Standards are the most crucial requirement for ensuring the quality of and equality in school education. The norms and standards given in the Schedule to the Bill are grossly inadequate and skimpy. There are not only numerous omissions like norms regarding availability of school at a particular distance from the habitation of children, types of schools, students per school and per class room, school furniture, laboratories, medical facilities etc., but also a number of the norms are left to be prescribed by the government. This is in spite of the fact that these norms have been specified or prescribed in the recent past by a number of committees, commissions, and agencies of the Government of India. The Schedule, therefore, is a caricature of norms and standards for school education which are essential for ensuring its quality.

(3) Responsibility of Schools to provide free and compulsory education:
Section 17(1):
Different scales of responsibility have been assigned to different types of schools for providing free and compulsory education. The net result of this provision will be the perpetuation of different types of schools, some meant for privileged classes and others for the poorer classes. This violates both Article 14 (equality before law) and Article 21A (Right to Education) of the Constitution. This Section should, therefore, be amended to state that “all schools shall provide free and compulsory education to the children in the age group of 6 to 14 years and in the manner specified in the Bill”. Points (i),(ii) and (iii) and the proviso under Section 17(1), should be deleted.
In this connection it may be emphasised that the Common School System is the most effective, if not the only, framework for universalising free and compulsory school education of an equitable quality within a specified period of time. The RTE Bill, therefore, must be rooted in the framework of CSS which must bring within its fold all schools, including private unaided schools, the so-called specified category schools etc.

(4) Exclusion of Non-aided private schools from the obligations under the Bill:
Unaided private schools are excluded from a large number of obligations
under the Bill. To give only a few examples, the provision relating to not permitting more than 10 percent vacancies of teachers (Page 24, Section 27(1); Accountability of Teachers (Page 25, Section 30); and Obligations to Constitute School Management Committees (Page 23, Section 25), do not apply to unaided private schools.

(5) Neighbourhood School:
The concept of “neighbourhood” is defined (Page 9, aa) in relation to a
child and not in relation to a school. This has the effect of exempting certain schools, mainly unaided private schools, from the responsibility of admitting all the children in the neighbourhood. Both the definition of “neighbourhood” as well as the operative paragraph relating to it (Page 12, Section 3(1)(i) ) should be amended to define “neighbourhood” in relation to a school. In the definition part, it should be stated “as prescribed by the competent authority for each school taking into account the need to optimise the socio-cultural diversity of the children” and in the operative part it should be provided that every school shall admit all the children in the age group 6-14, in the neighbourhood. Without this, the goal of compulsory education for these children is unlikely to be met.

(6) Responsibility of Local Authorities:
The Bill, on page 17, Section 13, spells out the responsibility of the Local
Authorities. To discharge these responsibilities, the Local Authorities require both capacity and devolution of finances. The provision regarding the devolution of finances is made in Section 11(2)(i) where it is stated that this will be in accordance with “such formula regarding sharing of cost - - - as the appropriate government may determine from time to time”.
It is difficult to know how long it will take to arrive at such a formula and whether there would at all be a proper devolution of finances to the Local Authorities. The provision made in the Panchayati Raj Act that the State Finance Commission would suggest the formula for the devolution of finances to the Local Authorities has been implemented by only a few States. State Finance Commissions have submitted their recommendations but no action on them have been taken by many States.
Moreover, Panchayats are still in a rudimentary state of evolution in a majority of the States. In one State, no Panchayat elections have been held. In several other States, there is only nominal devolution of authority to the Panchayats. In this context, the provision in the Bill relating to the responsibility of the Local Authorities is unlikely to be implemented in most States in the near future. Taking into account this reality on the ground, the responsibilities entrusted to Local Authorities should be given to the School Management Committees in cases where Local Authorities lack capability, empowerment or resources. Section 13 should, therefore, be amended accordingly.

(7) School Management Committees:
Page 23 Section 25
School Management Committee (SMC) is the critical link in the chain of institutions ensuring free and compulsory education of equitable quality to children. The provisions on SMC in Section 25 are utterly inadequate. The total membership of an SMC is not given. A very large SMC can become non-functional. Besides, there is no indication as to how the Chairperson and other office bearers of the SMC would be elected. In many States, local MLAs and M.Ps become Chairpersons of SMC in their ex-officio capacity. This lies at the root of several of the abuses to which the schools are subjected. There must be a clear cut provision that the Chairperson and the other office bearers must be elected by and from among the elected members of the SMC. Moreover, the functions of the SMC (Section 25(3) should be spelt out in greater detail. These functions will have to be considerably expanded particularly because in several States, the SMCs will be required to take over most of the functions that are assigned in the Bill to the Local Authorities.

(8) Language Policy:
Page 27, Section 32(2)(iii)
The provision in this Section on language is also utterly inadequate. It only states that the child’s “mother tongue” will be used as the “medium of instruction as far as possible, at least during the first five years of the elementary stage”. This clause does not define the word “mother tongue”. It has to be clarified that the “mother tongue” of a child can be other than Hindi (such as Bhojpuri, Maithali) in a Hindi speaking region, or other than Bengalee or Marathi in a Bengalee speaking or Marathi speaking region etc. Secondly, distinction has to be made between using language as a medium of instruction and teaching a language. Thirdly, a provision must be made in order to start implementing, at least from now onwards, the 3-language formula recommended by the Kothari Commission and in the 1986 National Education Policy and since then reiterated several times by the Government of India. The text in Annex-II to the Legislation on Common School System and Right to Education, recommended by the Common School System Commission, Bihar, provides a good basis for drafting a text on this subject for this Bill. Lastly, the question of choosing the language as a medium of instructions or teaching languages cannot be left to the discretion of the Government, as done in the Bill. It must be a clear-cut legal obligation. It is, therefore, necessary for the Bill to have a separate Annex, fully spelling out the language policy.

(9) Pre-Primary Education:
Page 15, Section 8
This Section is of far-reaching importance. There is a very strong view that the fundamental Right to Education should have been extended to at least two years of pre-primary education i.e. to the children in the age group if 4-6 years. There is no such provision in the Bill. This may be understandable because the Bill is designed to give effect to Article 21A, which excludes children below 6 from the Fundamental Right to Education. But, if pre-primary education is to be brought in this Bill, it has to be as a Fundamental Right and not as a Directive Policy. There is, therefore, no place for Section 8, as presently drafted, in the Bill. Provision for pre-primary education under this section is on a best endeavour basis as in the previous Article 45 of the Constitution. Secondly, the provision is applicable only when facilities for providing such education through the ICDS do not exist. The fact is that ICDS covers only a part of the population of the children in this age group, and the education component function of ICDS is discharged only perfunctorily. Section 8, therefore, is of little value and only a camouflage for not extending the Fundamental Right of Education to children in the age group 4 to 6.

(10) Monitoring of Right to Education:
Page 29, Sections 36 to 39
It is not desirable to have, as recommended in the Bill, the Commission for the Protection of Child Rights Act, 2005, to monitor the Right to Education. The burden of monitoring the implementation of the Child Rights Act is really onerous which this Commission has only recently undertaken. The full discharge of this function will call for a sizeable expansion of its resources. The Commission will not be in a position to assume the additional burden of monitoring the Right to Education even with the augmentation of its resources that can be expected in the next few years. Besides, the members of the Commission have expertise in the area of child rights and the related fields. They are not necessarily best qualified or competent to deal with the subject of school education. In these conditions, if the monitoring of the implementation of the Right to Education Bill is entrusted to the Commission for the Protection of Child Rights, there is a real danger of the entire process of monitoring the Right to Education being sidelined.
Besides, Commissions for the Protection of Child Rights are yet to be established in several States. It may take many years to do so. The interim suggestion given in the Bill is that the State government may create a State-level authority to discharge the functions of monitoring at the level of the State. This will create a dual system of monitoring in the States and that between the Centre and the State.
It is, therefore, absolutely necessary to create a separate statutory body at the national level, and its counterparts at the State level, vested with the power to monitor the implementation of the Right to Education. Paragraphs 36 to 38 of the Bill would, therefore, require to be drastically amended.

(11) Penalty for Non-compliance:
Page 31, Section 41
The inclusion of this Section under the Chapter on the monitoring of the implementation of the Bill, detracts from the very significance of the Bill. The provision under Article 41 is based on the assumption that there would be violations of some of the most crucial provisions of the Bill i.e. those relating to child labour, screening procedures and capitation fees for admission, recognition of schools and application of norms and standards. The implementation of these provisions depends mainly on the political will of the State, its earmarking adequate resources and exercising control over the schools, particularly the private schools. Imposition of fines is the least effective way of ensuring compliance of these measures. As a matter of fact, it may provide to schools, particularly the private schools, the easy way out of paying fines and getting away with non-compliance of the key provisions of the Bill. This section should, therefore, be deleted.

(12) Teachers: – Service Terms & Conditions:
Section 28 of the Bill provides for pre-service training of teachers
and enabling those who are not qualified to acquire the necessary qualifications within a time limit। So far as other terms and conditions of the service of teachers are concerned, the Bill leaves it to the State Governments to lay down the rules and norms. This cannot be accepted. The service terms and conditions of teachers should have provided for the levels and scales of their salaries and allowances. This is absolutely essential because without motivated qualified teachers, it is not possible to deliver quality education. When the norms and standards recommended by most of the committees/expert groups and practised in government schools, clearly prescribe salaries and other service conditions for teachers, there is no reason why it should not be provided in this Bill.

(13) Teachers Training & Innovation:
At the end of Section 35 (2), it is stated that “teachers shall be
provided opportunities for peer interaction and encouraged to engage in innovation”। It is not clear as to what precise form these opportunities will take and how encouragement will be given for innovation. There are norms laid down for these purposes also, like establishment of teachers forums for peer interaction, the empowerment of this institution, stipends to teachers for research and further studies etc. This clause should, therefore, be enlarged to include detailed and specific norms for achieving the purpose mentioned in it.

(14) Teachers Grievances & Complaints of Citizens regarding Violation of the Provisions of the Bill:
The provision relating to the redressal of teachers grievances is in Section 31 and on citizens complaints regarding the violation of the provision of the Bill in Section 40(3). In neither case, the statutory Commission to be established under the Bill, has been given the standing responsibility for the hearing and disposal of grievances on citizens’ complaints. The relevant provision of the Bill only states that the Commission can take suo moto cognizance of the violation of the Bill. Instead, the Bill should have provided for the Commission being the final authority to hear cases of grievances or violation and dispose of such cases. These should include teachers grievances which are not settled up to the level of the State Government.

(15) Definition of “Working Child” and payment for the opportunity cost of forgoing child labour:
Page 11(tt)
The definition should include “children in bondage and those not sent to school because of their being obliged to take care of their siblings”.
In addition, the Bill should provide compensation to a household for the opportunity cost of foregoing child labour. The forms in which such a compensation should be paid is spelt out in the relevant section of the report of the Common School System Commission, Bihar.

B. Other Important Amendments:
(I) Definition of Free Education:
Page 7, (q)
As in other sections, in the definition of “free definition” also, the Bill leaves the matter vague and at the discretion of the government by using the words “as may be prescribed”। Most of the “other expenses” are very well known and they are charged in one form or the other even in a system of free education. Therefore, there is a need to spell out these expenses. This should include supply of text books, stationary, uniforms, mid-day meal, teaching aids, fees for tests, examinations and use of computers and other instruments, charges for such facilities as games, cultural or artistic performances, library and extra curricular activities etc.

(2) Specification of Schools for admission outside the neighbourhood:
There is a provision to this effect in Section 5(1) of the Bill. This
provision should be amended to state that where education up to the level of class VIII is not available, the local authority shall take action to upgrade the present school to that level within, say, a year or two, or build a new school up to class VIII, rather than saying that the prescribed authority would specify another school which may be for removed from the habitation of the child।

(3) Education of Equitable Quality:
It is stated in Section 6(4), page 14, that the State shall ensure that
“children in schools receive education of equitable quality”. This provision has no value unless the term “equitable quality” is defined or concretized. The only way this term can be concretized is through norms and standards. This Section of the Bill should, therefore, be reformulated to relate equitable quality to the norms and standards in the Schedule. As already stated, the Schedule itself should be drastically revised and expanded to include almost all the norms and standards which make for quality education.

(4) Prohibition of Deployment of Teachers for Non-educational purpose:
Section 23, page 22
The exception made in this Section for deployment for the decimal population census, election to Local Authorities, State Legislatures and Parliament can have a crippling effect on the provision of quality education to children. Some of these events, particularly elections, have now become too frequent. If teachers are deployed for these purposes there will be continuing disruption in teaching. Therefore, deployment for these purposes should also be prohibited. The only exception to be made should be for disaster relief, the duty for which should be equally applicable to teachers in private schools also.

(5) Rules relating to Grant of Recognition:
Page 20/21, Section 20(3)
At the end of this sub-section, some of the criteria to be taken into account for framing rules for recognition are mentioned. These criteria are fragmentary and incomplete. The sub-section should simply state that recognition should depend on the compliance with the norms and standards included in the Schedule of the Bill.

(6) Duties of Teachers:
Page 25, Section 29
In this Section, teachers are supposed to report on cases of non-compliance to parents or guardians or to SMC. This Section should have provided for first reporting to the Head Teacher.

(7) Freedom of Expression by the Child:
Section 32(2)(i)
In this sub-section, the exercise of the right of the child to express her views freely is qualified by the phrase “in accordance with the age and maturity of the child”। This qualification is unnecessary and undesirable as it can be made an excuse for effectively preventing a child from expressing her views. This phrase should be deleted.

(8) Maintenance of Pupil:Teacher Ratio:
It is specified in Section 26 that the concerned authority should ensure the
enforcement of the specified pupil:teacher ratio within six months from the commencement of the Bill। This seems unrealistic because ensuring the enforcement of the ratio may call for recruitment of the requisite number of teachers and their training. In another Section of the Bill, it is provided that teachers’ recruitment should be completed in five years. How it is then possible to ensure the enforcement of the ratio within six months?

(9) Not Serving in any School Other than the School of posting:
Section 26(2)
The intention behind this provision is good. But the way it is formulated may imply that a teacher may not serve in another school even on transfer. It is, therefore, necessary to add at the end of the sub-clause the phrase “except on transfer”.

---

नक्सलवाद के विस्तार पर प्लानिंग कमीशन की रिपोर्ट - Down To Earth

2008-08-25T08:40:00.000+05:30

Down To Earth has written the following on the subject:

Land alienation, poverty amongst scheduled tribes and dalits and lack of access to basic forest resources have contributed to the growth of naxalism, says the Planning Commission. Its report, Development challenges in extremist affected areas, indicts Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh. The report also critiques sezs and the complete failure of instruments like the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980.

In 2006, the Planning Commission set up an expert group headed by D Bandopadhyay, a retired ias officer experienced in dealing with naxalites in West Bengal in the 1970s, to look into the phenomenon of naxalism. Its terms of reference included "identification of processes and causes contributing to continued tensions and alienation in the areas of unrest and discontent, such as widespread displacement, forest issues, insecured tenancies and other forms of exploitation like usury, land alienation, etc".

It also included "special measures to be taken for strengthening the implementation of pesa". The committee comprised Prakash Singh, former up dgp; Ajit Doval, former director of the Intelligence Bureau; B D Sharma, retired bureaucrat and activist; Sukhdeo Thorat, ugc chairperson and K Balagopal, human rights lawyer.

The Complete story is in the link here. Pl. click and see.
http://downtoearth.org.in/full6.asp?foldername=20080531&filename=news&sec_id=50&sid=26

Video series on "Science Education in इंडिया" by Prof Yashpal

2008-08-25T07:09:00.000+05:30

A 5-part Video series on "Science Education in India" an interview with Prof। Yash Pal, a renowned name in the field of science, education and popularisation of science was conducted by Rima Chibb. May like to open the link and see and listen to the interview one by one. Very interesting and exciting.

http://in.youtube.com:80/watch?v=FNDFyNJbH3M&feature=email

At 82, Prof Yash Pal remains fresh and exuberates wit,charisma and substance as he gave me an overview and insight into science & education in India ...what it is and what it should be ? How science teaching and curricullum should emerge from children and how new learnings takes place at the border of many disciplines.I had the opportunity of working with him during the "Turning Point days" which was a televison series on popular science in India and am absolutely thrilled with this reflective chat especially the " Who am I , Prof Yashpal "
( End Part 5)

Enjoy !!!
Rima Chibb

Personal Message
I recently got an opportunity to interview Prof. Yashpal. It was so good that I felt it should be on YouTube for all to see. Rima

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rimachibb

सामान्य विद्यालय व्यवस्था

2008-07-31T21:50:00.000+05:30

The following link related to the RTE Bill 2008 on Common School System may be useful
http://knowledgecommission.gov.in/downloads/documents/PresentationSchoolEducation.ppt

3. डॉ अनिल सदगोपाल के शिक्षा पर तेहेल्का में लेख

2008-07-29T04:19:00.000+05:30

MISCONCEIVING FUNDAMENTALS, DISMANTLING RIGHTS
deciphering the neo-liberal assault on Right to Education
- Dr. Anil Sadgopal

Today, if a parent petitions the Court to demand addition of pre-primary sections with trained nursery teachers in the government primary school or seeks a pupil:teacher ratio of 1:30 instead of 1:40, or if yet another parent pleads that her child.s potential for music, art or games is not supported since there is no provision for teachers in these critical areas . in such examples, if the judges see merit in the petition they may pass a favourable judgment.

This became possible because of the Supreme Court.s historic Unnikrishnan Judgment in 1993 which gave all children up to fourteen years of age a Fundamental Right to Education. The Court contended that the Fundamental Right to Life (Article 21) in Part III of the Constitution should be read in .harmonious construction. with the Directive in Article 45 (Part IV) to provide Free and Compulsory Education to the 0-14 year age group children, including those below six years of age. Hence, by implication, free education of equitable quality from nursery stage to Class VIII became a Fundamental Right.

This judicial framework will be dismantled once the Draft Right to Education (RTE) Bill, 2008 becomes an Act. The UPA government was all set to present this Bill in the Budget Session but it did not happen. Strangely, this may turn out to be a blessing in disguise. The Unnikrishnan Judgment sent jitters down the spine of the ruling elite. It meant that the government would have to reprioritise the Indian economy in favour of the masses. Even more frightening to the rulers was the political implication of entitlement of the masses to education of equitable quality. They will then be enabled to compete with the privileged classes and demand their equal share in economic and democratic life.

Since 1993, the successive governments at the centre undertook exercises to undo the impact of the Unnikrishnan Judgment . designing ways to dilute and distort the meaning of Fundamental Right to Education. This culminated in the 86th Constitutional Amendment Act (2002). The Act inserted a new Article 21A in Part III which limited the Fundamental Right to the 6-14 age group, thereby disentitling 17 crore children below six years of their Fundamental Right to nutrition, health and pre-primary education. Article 21A further stated that free and compulsory education shall be provided .in such manner as the State may, by law, determine. This conditionality was brought in to enable the State to circumscribe the
Fundamental Right of even the 6-14 age group.

The issue of Right to Education is critically linked to Common School System founded on neighbourhood schools. In 1966, the Kothari Commission had argued that such a system was necessary to build a socially cohesive society. All children in a given neighbourhood, drawn from diverse backgrounds, should be able to study and socialise together in a common public
An abridged version appeared in TEHELKA magazine, 14th June 2008, pp. 44-45, New Delhi.
space.
This has been the organising principle of school education in G-8 countries like the
USA, Canada, France, Germany and Japan. Is it not absurd to even think of a .right. to unequal and inferior education? Yet, this is what is provided through the current multi-layered school system. The Draft Bill legitimises the schools that promote inequality such as the government elite schools (e.g. Kendriya Vidyalayas) and the private unaided schools. This reflects in its provision of 25% reservation of seats in such schools for purportedly .free. education of the weaker sections from the
neighbourhood. For 75% of the admitted children, both the principle of neighbourhood and the Fundamental Right to free education stand violated. The 25% provision shares its rationale with the neo-liberal guru Milton Friedman.s school vouchers that are meant to promote private schools out of public funds. The Eleventh Plan also pushes school vouchers along with public-private partnership. By providing for shifting of public funds to private schools, the Draft Bill becomes an instrument of the market forces.

The Prime Minister constituted a High Level Group (HLG) comprising Finance Minister,
Planning Commission.s Deputy Chairman, PM.s Economic Advisory Council Chairman and
the Human Resource Development Minister. The HLG promptly concluded that the centre
lacked resources for implementing the RTE Bill and that it should be primarily a state government responsibility. This amounts to kowtowing to neo-liberal pressure for abdication of the State.s Constitutional obligation. A recent Note prepared by the HRD Ministry for the Union Cabinet warns that, unless the 86th Amendment is immediately enforced through an RTE Act, the Unnikrishnan Judgment covering the 0-14 age group will prevail. This vindicates my decade-old stand that the hidden
agenda of 86th Constitutional Amendment is to snatch away the Fundamental Right gained by the children below six years and also to circumscribe, through a law, the right being purportedly given to the 6-14 age group. Yet, the central government has balked at introducing even a diluted and distorted Bill (see BOX). It is clearly not a matter of lack of resources but of the government.s neo-liberal priority framework. This is why it backed out.
The dilemma was underscored at the November 2007 meeting by HLG chairperson Arjun
Singh who suggested that .the only logical way out is to report to the Prime Minister that the Constitutional Amendment . . . .was legislated in a hurry without taking into account all the attendant problems.. This is indeed an irony, particularly because all political parties had voted for the 86th Amendment. It is not unlikely that the market forces and neo-liberal advisers are pressurising the government to repeal the 86th Amendment, but for the wrong reason.

A public campaign is called for to seek replacement of the 86th Amendment by an
Amendment that would give an unconditional Fundamental Right to children from birth to 18 years, encompassing early childhood care and pre-primary education onwards through Class XII. The Right to Education Bill could then be imbued with a vision of systemic transformation for equality in and through education, rather than making adjustment with neo-liberalism. This will create the framework for building a Common School System in order to forge a sense of common citizenship for a democratic, egalitarian and secular society.

BOX
.Dirty Dozen. Flaws of the Draft Right to Education Bill, 2008
1. Lacks provision to compel the State to provide adequate funds.
2. Dilutes the Fundamental Right of children below six years to nutrition, health and preprimary
education by falsely equating it with ICDS.
3. Denies right to secondary and senior secondary education.
4. Shifts public funds to private unaided fee-charging schools to exacerbate
commercialisation, exclusion and inequality.
5. Legitimises inequality through a multi-layered school system.
6. Permits violation of the .neighbourhood. principle by the government-run elite and
private schools, allowing them to charge fees and screen and exclude children.
7. Continues discrimination against government school children as their teachers will still
be deployed for census, elections and disaster relief duties.
8. Doesn.t provide for the states/UTs to regulate private unaided schools, leaving them
free to indulge in profiteering, anti-child practices and other violations.
9. Fails to guarantee child.s mother tongue as medium of education, even at primary stage.
(For children of linguistic minority groups, this violates Article 350A.)
10. Contains subtle provisions that exclude disabled children from schools.
11. Opens space for private agencies to make money through questionable assessment.
12. Lacks guarantee of dignified salaries, professional development, promotional avenues
and just social security for teachers and prevention of fragmentation of teachers. cadre.
- - - - - - -
E-8/29, Sahkar Nagar
Bhopal 462 039, India
Tel.: (0755) 2560438
Mo.: 9425600637
Email: anilsadgopal@yahoo.com

2. Dr. Anil's Janta Editorial

2008-07-29T04:02:00.000+05:30

COMMON SCHOOL SYSTEM: DO WE HAVE AN OPTION?
- Prof. Anil Sadgopal

In October 1997, as I walked out of the international airport of Toronto (Ontario,
Canada), my eyes caught the newspaper headlines announcing .State-wide School
Teachers. Strike.. Coming from India, this was nothing unusual. However, the next
headline puzzled me. It read: .Joint Rally of Teachers and Parents.. It made no sense at
all. How can the teachers and the parents join hands in a protest? In India, parents would
be furious if teachers go on strike but here they were marching and shouting slogans
together.

The protest was so massive that the entire state of Ontario came to a standstill for
the next seven days. It was a common political issue for all. The faculty and the students
of the University of Toronto extended full support. Seminars and sit-ins were held at the
university campus, addressed by the leadership of the unions of school and university
teachers alike and supported by student organizations and parent groups. I was amazed at
this solidarity. The provincial government was under fire for two issues. First, the
government had declared major budget cuts in school education. Second, the autonomous
elected school boards, responsible for decentralized management of school clusters
(including teacher appointments, curriculum and exams) were to be merged to form
larger boards in order to save money. To the parents and teachers, the larger boards
signaled decline in the quality of management.

I was in Canada to attend a conference against globalization. My hosts explained
that both of these government decisions were indicative of the neo-liberal policy shifts.
These were designed to increasingly result in abdication of the State.s role in the social
sector, particularly education and health, eventually affecting the whole of Canada. This,
however, did not explain the people.s solidarity. In India, too, similar neo-liberal policy
shifts in education were evident. Yet, neither the teachers nor the parents seemed to be
concerned. The educated middle class apparently did not care how the neo-liberal
policies were destroying the vast government school system, with consequent increase in
the pace of privatization of school education. On the contrary, the middle class, though
unhappy about the increasing cost of education, implicitly supported privatization.
The explanation became apparent as I studied the Canadian school system. In
Canada, the public-funded school system essentially covered the entire population and
was maintained at a high level of quality. The private schools played a negligible role. In
spite of public funding, the government control or interference was at its minimum. The
school boards, comprising, on average, 50-60 schools, were responsible and accountable
for teacher appointments, placement and promotions, curriculum and textbooks, exams,
maintenance of quality and all other aspects of management.
Published in JANATA magazine, Vol. 63, No. 19, 01 June 2008, Mumbai, India.

Each school was essentially a neighbourhood school. All children, irrespective of
their socio-economic or cultural background, studied in these schools. It did not matter
who you were . university professor or a factory worker, senior government official or a
garbage truck driver, prime minister or a farm labour, corporate executive or a police
constable . if you had a child, she would go to the neighbourhood public-funded school.
Period. There was no choice. Now, this explained the people.s solidarity. This was so
since the quality of education received by everybody.s children was going to be equally
but negatively affected by the two political decisions taken by the provincial government.
All citizens of Ontario had a common political stake in maintaining the quality of the
public-funded school system.

An entirely contrary scenario was witnessed in Bhopal in February 2008. About
30,000 lowly paid under-qualified and untrained para-teachers appointed in Sarva
Shiksha Abhiyan.s (SSA) 27,000 odd Education Guarantee Scheme (EGS) centres of
Madhya Pradesh were on strike. Euphemistically called guruji, they were demanding
regularization as teachers after several years of service. Each year they would go on
strike to draw state government.s attention but to no avail. This time, however, realizing
the significance of the election year, the guruji union decided to intensify its battle. In the
beginning, the gurujis sat at the usual dharna site and were ignored. The gurujis then
shifted their dharna to block one of the roads leading to a high profile market serving the
upcoming middle class of the city. There was a hue and cry. The media openly criticized
the state government . mind you, not for the closure of 27,000 centres in tribal, dalit and
other backward hamlets but for its inability to keep the access to the market open. Not a
word of sympathy was uttered by anyone . not even by the political leaders . either for
the loss of studies suffered by 7-8 lakh poor children or the discriminatory treatment
given to the gurujis.

What else would you expect? None of those who shop in the high profile Bhopal
market, including the political leaders residing in the state capital, send their children to
government schools, least of all to the inferior quality single-teacher EGS centres of SSA.
Neither the powerful IAS and IPS officials nor the media personnel have any stake in the
government school system. Even more deafening was the silence of the teachers. unions.
The neo-liberal policy decisions taken in the second half of 1990s had fragmented the
teachers. cadre into six categories . the regular teachers (declared by the then CM as .a
dying cadre.), Shikshakarmis, three separate cadres of Samvida Shikshaks (i.e. contract
teachers) and finally the lowly gurujis. Each cadre fought its battle separately, holding
dharnas at different times of the year. Apart from this division of teachers. voice, the
irony is that the teachers themselves have no stake in the parallel layers of schools they
teach in since their own children also go to private schools!

The Great Escape : Loss of a Common Political Stake
The government, kowtowing to the World Bank policies, has established a multilayered
school system from the mid-eighties onwards, each layer with its own teachers
cadre and meant for a separate social segment. This led to rapid deterioration of the
quality of government schools during the past 15 years as all the privileged sections of
society, with any political voice or lobby worth the name, shifted their children to private
schools. The creamy layer among the SCs, STs, OBCs and muslims, by and large, also
followed suit. Today, the multi-layered government school system has only the weakest,
mostly the marginalized dalits, tribals, extreme OBCs and muslims, particularly girls in
each of these sections of society. The only exception to this phenomenon is the miniscule
number of elite schools like the Kendriya or Navodaya Vidyalayas of the central
government and similar high profile schools set up by various state governments.
Education has become a commodity, rather than an entitlement or a Fundamental Right.
Those who can afford to buy education do and those who can.t are compelled to accept
the government system. Unlike Canada, there is no common political stake in the nation.s
education system. Even the Members of Parliament and state legislatures have hardly any
interest left in the government system in spite of voting budget allocations or cuts therein
year after year.

Few realize that, like Canada, other G-8 nations also have a well-functioning
public-funded school system built on the principle of neighbourhood schools. This is
particularly true for the USA, France, Germany and Japan, though neo-liberal policies are
steadily making inroads in these countries too. Without a Common School System in
some form or another, none of the developed nation would have reached where they are
today. This includes U.K. which earlier boasted of its privileged grammar schools but had
to move towards an inclusive Comprehensive Schools System under rising democratic
pressure in the 1970s which did away with selection for admissions. What is true for the
G-8 nations is also true, by and large, for the Scandinavian countries, Switzerland, China,
South Korea, Cuba and former members of the Soviet Union - all of which achieved
almost universal school education decades ago. This success transcends ideological
history or present economic persuasion. Can India hope to be an exception to this
historical experience?

We were also moving towards a Common School System (CSS) until mid-1970s.
The only aberration was a handful of the so-called Public Schools, designed in the elite
English tradition, serving the top echelons of the Indian privileged classes. A substantial
proportion of the people of that generation who are still leading national institutions in
various critical sectors had received quality education in either government, local body or
private but government-aided schools. It was around this time that the elite and upper
middle class started shifting to private unaided fee-charging schools, primarily in pursuit
of English-medium education and competition-based and career-oriented curriculum. No
one can blame this section of society since the government policies had failed to establish
the relevance of either the Indian languages or the prevailing school curriculum for entry
into civil services, judiciary, business or industry, S&T, and professional services. This

For a more detailed description and analysis of the neo-liberal impact on Indian education system, please see my articles viz. (a) .Dilution, Distortion and Diversion: A Post-Jomtien Reflection on the Education Policy. in The Crisis of Elementary Education in India (Ed. Ravi Kumar), SAGE Publications, New Delhi, pp. 92-136, 2006; and (b) .Common School System and the Future of India., JANATA, Vol. 63, No. 16, May 11, 2008, pp. 1-32, Mumbai.

great escape. is precisely what triggered the decline of the quality of one of the world.s
largest public-funded school systems (a total of 12 lakh schools today).

The crisis was foreseen by the Education Commission (1964-66), popularly called
the Kothari Commission, which recommended CSS as the National System of Education
with a view to .bring the different social classes and groups together and thus promote
the emergence of an egalitarian and integrated society.. The Commission warned that
.instead of doing so, education itself is tending to increase social segregation and to
perpetuate and widen class distinctions.. It further noted that .this is bad not only for the
children of the poor but also for the children of the rich and the privileged groups. since
.by segregating their children, such privileged parents prevent them from sharing the life
and experiences of the children of the poor and coming into contact with the realities of
life. . . . . . also render the education of their own children anaemic and incomplete.. Both
the 1968 and 1986 policies resolved to move towards CSS.

Common School System : Defining, Debating and Discourse Building
There are three confusions regarding CSS that are deliberately created by the
powerful private school lobby, neo-liberal ideologues and the representatives of the
global market forces. First, CSS is misperceived as a uniform school system. On the
contrary, it is the present education system that follows a rigid curricular and pedagogic
framework circumscribed by Boards of Examination and now international affiliations.
All this has worked against children.s natural attributes such as creativity, curiosity,
questioning, dissent or tendency to explore and chart new paths. It reinforces compulsion,
comparison and competition that restrict options, academic freedom, co-operation and
team functioning. Such a framework pushes children to adopt dishonest and immoral
practices in exams. The 11th Plan is talking of using secondary education for building
skilled labour force for the global market. This means even greater regimentation rooted
in a mechanistic approach. Modern educational theory, however, expects each school or a
cluster of schools to be able to respond to the local contexts and reflect the rich diversity
across the country. The rigidity of the present system can be challenged only when
flexibility, contextuality and plurality are accepted, among others, as the defining
principles of CSS. Indeed, it should certainly be possible to conceive of a national system
wherein, in principle, no two schools shall be identical and each will be known for its
unique conception of quality, albeit within a broad national curriculum framework. In this
sense, CSS can be visualized as the most urgently needed reform.

Second, CSS is irrationally projected as one that acts against quality, talent
and merit. On the contrary, it is the present system based upon paying capacity,
privileges and false sense of superiority that has alienated the most powerful sections of
society from the government schools system, if not from Bharat itself! As a consequence
of this .great escape., the government school system has lost its voice of advocacy at the
highest fora. Political leadership, corporate executives, academia, professionals, writers
and the media personnel have no vested interest left in the improvement of the quality of
government schools. Further, the neo-liberal Structural Adjustment Programme imposed
on the Indian economy since 1991 has resulted in steady withdrawal of resources from
the education sector, expressed as percentage of GDP. This has led to a policy of .multitrack
. education system based upon poor infrastructure, multi-grade teaching and parateachers.
It has meant exclusion of at least two-thirds of our children from quality
education, thereby suppressing their inherent potential for contributing to social or
national development. Less than a third of nation.s genetic pool is available for talent and
merit development.

Third, it is wrongly claimed that CSS will not permit a privately managed
school to retain its non-government and unaided (or aided) character. Again, CSS
implies that all schools . irrespective of the type of their management, sources of income
or affiliating Boards of examinations . will participate and fulfill their responsibility as
part of the National System of Education. All what is expected of such schools is that
they operate within the framework of the Constitution and function as genuine
neighbourhood schools. With 86th Constitutional Amendment, .free and compulsory.
elementary education has become a Fundamental Right. This means that the very notion
of fees or other contingent charges, at least until class VIII, have become anti-
Constitutional! The Constitution has liberal space for philanthropy but not for
commodification of education.

The Neighbourhood School and Other Essentials of CSS
Further, the CSS based on neighbourhood schools implies a heterogeneous
classroom representing the diversity (along with disparity) prevailing in the
neighbourhood. Only then, all sections of society, including the post powerful, will have
a vested interest in improving the government school system. The neighbourhood school
needs to be envisioned as a common public space where children of diverse backgrounds
can study and socialize together. This is a pre-condition in a society like ours for forging
a sense of common citizenship without which a healthy democracy can not function.
Also, can there be a Fundamental Right to education of unequal and inferior quality
education? Let me go a step further. The 86th Constitutional Amendment (2002) inserted
a new Article 21A in Part III of the Constitution that made .Free and Compulsory
education. a Fundamental Right for the 6-14 age group children. Does the Constitution
permit a Fundamental Right to education that violates the principles of equality and
social justice enshrined in Articles 14, 15 and 16? Naturally, not. Given this, do we have
any option other than the CSS based on neighbourhood schools that will be in
conformity with the vision of education emerging from the Constitution?
The present school system structurally promotes discrimination. May be an
example would be helpful here. The teachers of the government schools are pulled out of
the schools frequently on a variety of non-teaching assignments, ranging from counting
sheep and conducting Below Poverty Line Survey to organizing elections and doing the
decennial Census. This implies colossal loss of teaching days. More importantly, this
makes the teacher cynical about her profession and gives a misleading political message
that everything else is important other than teaching children. In contrast, the private
school children do not suffer any such loss. In a way, we can say that the poor children
going to government schools sacrifice their education in order to sustain democracy in
India and build a data base for social development and economic planning. This
discrimination against government school children (almost 90% of the children enrolled
at the elementary stage) will come to a halt only when the children of the ruling elite will
start going to the government schools.

Let us also realize that any attempt to introduce curricular or pedagogic reforms,
as the NCERT attempts to do periodically, in a hierarchical system is bound to increase
discrimination and exclusion. The collapse of World Bank.s District Primary Education
Programme (DPEP) in the nineties and now of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) provides
historic evidence of this common sense thumb rule. Such arbitrary and temporary
schemes or projects have no relevance to the crisis of education faced by the nation. This
is because these schemes are not even designed to bring about any basic structural
reforms that would open up space for re-construction of the endangered relationship
between the child, the teacher and the curriculum. This is precisely why these schemes
have failed to achieve their declared objectives. Nothing short of a radical transformation
is required to move forward.

Let us briefly list eight essential conditions for building the CSS that will apply
equally to the government-run elite schools and the private unaided schools:
1. All schools to be neighbourhood schools with a defined neighbourhood. Diversity
would be optimized while delineating the neighbourhood.
2. All schools to fulfill a set of minimum Norms and Standards with respect to the
infrastructure, teacher quality and status, pupil:teacher ratio, non-teaching staff,
potable water, electricity and telephone, toilets, supporting systems for the
disabled, teaching aids, ICT facilities, library and laboratory, playground and play
equipment, facilities for fine arts and performing arts, curriculum and pedagogy
and all other parameters for ensuring quality education.
3. As per Article 21A of the Constitution, all schools to provide absolutely Free
education from nursery stage to Class VIII. As per Article 41 and its interpretation
by the Supreme Court.s Unnikrishnan Judgment (1993), the government to
regulate the fee structure of all schools, especially the private unaided schools,
from Class IX to XII, preventing profiteering, parking of funds and income tax
evasion.
4. All schools to follow the National Curriculum Framework (NCF) that would be
reviewed from time to time. NCF will define a core curriculum that would be
common to all schools except that the regional diversity will be appropriately
reflected in the elements of the Core Curriculum. Apart from the core, there will
be ample latitude and flexibility in the rest of the NCF to design curriculum at the
level of the states, districts, Blocks or even the village panchayats in accordance
with the local socio-cultural milieu, provided the broad principles of NCF are
maintained. This would make it possible to institutionalize a decentralized
practice of designing of curriculum, syllabi, textbooks, teaching-learning process
and assessment such that the process would appropriately reflect the rich geocultural
diversity of the country while maintaining a balance with the concepts
critical for developing a national and global vision. The above framework also
provides adequate space for curricular innovation, experimentation and even
dissent at the level of the individual schools, teachers and students.
5. A common policy of language education founded on the principle of multilingualism
of the vast majority of India.s children and the mother tongue.s critical
role in the learning process, including the learning of the state/UT language as
well as Hindi and English.
6. The curriculum, pedagogy, textbooks and the school ambience to ensure that no
child feels excluded or marginalized due to the presentation of SCs, STs, extreme
OBCs, minorities and the disabled and the women in each of these sections in a
negative image. Inclusive education implies that the contribution made by all
sections of society to the freedom movement and to the building of the postindependence
India is appropriately brought alive in the school.
7. Critical Pedagogy to guide the transformation of the present multi-layered
hierarchical school system into the CSS based on neighbourhood schools, since
the CSS implies much more than a structural change; it implies an education that
liberates the child.s mind, enabling her to resist injustice, deconstruct capitalism
and neo-liberalism and struggle for social transformation.
8. Each school to have a management committee of its own, with at least 75% of the
members being the parents of the children attending the concerned school; SCs,
STs, OBCs and the minorities to have proportionate representation; and half of
the members to be women. The functions and duties of the committee to be welldefined
through a law.

If the above concept of the CSS and neighbourhood schooling requires a legislation by
the Parliament, then this must be made into an urgent issue of a nation-wide political
struggle. In light of the long-delayed Right to Education Bill, it may be worthwhile to
seek to redraft the Bill with a vision of systemic transformation for building the CSS
based on neighbourhood schools (see my article in TEHELKA, 14th June 2008).

Concluding Remarks
To be sure, there are powerful forces trying to divert public attention from the
Common School agenda through clever devices. These include private schools running
.afternoon centres. for the poor, 25% reservation provision in the Draft Right to
Education Bill 2008 for poor children of the neighbourhood in private schools and now
the 11th Plan proposal of school vouchers and public-private partnership for backdoor
funding of private schools out of public funds. These are ways of justifying and
legitimizing the present exclusionary system. We have to also learn to identify and resist
the market fundamentalists and neo-liberal consultants in the academia, media, policy
making and their fellow-traveller NGOs who are working overtime to push the neoliberal
ideology in Indian education system in particular and the economic and
democratic life in general.

The struggle for equality in and through education can.t be delinked either from
the struggle for jal-jangal-zameen and jeevika or from the struggle for social
transformation. The evolving discourse on Common School System will also have to deal
with the eternal question: Can such a radical systemic transformation in education take
place without a socialist revolution? While we may not have a clear answer, an operating
thesis may be debated. This may not be seen as the proverbial chicken and egg question.
Instead, a dynamic relationship based upon dialectical materialism between educational
and socialist transformation may be assumed for moving forward. Both are democratic
struggles in which the participation of the masses is critical and must be advanced
together. The impact of participation in these struggles on the critical consciousness of
the people must not be under-estimated.

This then provides a preliminary framework for developing a pedagogy of
reconstruction of socio-economic and democratic institutions in the country. This
includes the educational system. While debating theories and building strategies, we need
to have clarity on the basic issue. By postponing the Common School System functioning
through neighbourhood schools, we would only postpone giving every child an equal
opportunity to fully develop her potential for knowledge acquisition, internalisation of
humane and democratic values and, above all, articulation of her own vision of India. The
reference to articulation of child.s vision implies a socio-political construction contoured
by Critical Pedagogy, even if the vision conflicts with today.s so-called .mainstream.
vision rooted in class, caste, cultural, linguistic, regional and patriarchal hegemony,
increasingly reinforced by neo-liberalism. All this is essential groundwork for political
struggle. We may re-iterate, even if not over-emphasise, that the Common School System
is the only educational framework known to us which will enable us to forge a sense of
common citizenship to wage a united struggle for a democratic, socialist, egalitarian and
secular society.

27 May 2008
E-8/29, Sahkar Nagar
Bhopal 462 039, India
Tel.: (0755) 2560438
Mo.: 9425600637
Email: anilsadgopal@yahoo.com

1. Dr.Anil's Non-Negotiables in Right To education Bill

2008-07-29T03:48:00.000+05:30

NCCRTECSS CONVENTION HELD AT DELHI ON 8TH JULY 2008

Non-Negotiable Elements (i.e. our bottom-line) in Draft RTE Bill 2008*

(As per the consensus arrived at the Convention)

. The RTE Bill to be rooted in the framework of the COMMON SCHOOL SYSTEM (CSS) FOUNDED ON NEIGHBOURHOOD SCHOOLS which will apply to all schools, including private unaided and aided schools, Kendriya Vidyalayas, Navodaya Vidyalayas, the 6,000 Model Schools proposed in the XI Plan and all other special category schools operated by the Central and state/ UT governments. There will be no exceptions to this basic framework.

· The above framework will cover all schools from pre-primary stage upwards to Plus Two stage i.e. Class XII.

· This means that it will be mandatory for all schools to admit and provide education of equitable quality to all children residing within the neighbourhood, as specified by the prescribed authority, without any admission test, screening or parental interaction whatsoever – admission and receiving education of equitable quality in the neighbourhood school shall be a Fundamental Right of the child.

· The Neighbourhood of each school shall be delineated by the prescribed authority under the Act such as to optimize the socio-cultural diversity of the children who shall study and socialize together.

. Education to be COMPLETELY FREE for all children from pre-primary stage (of two years) to Class XII. Apart from free tuition, other requirements like uniforms, text books, teaching aids, tests and examinations and mid-day meals shall also be free of cost – for rich and poor alike. Further, the children shall not be liable to pay any charges whatsoever for facilities such as games, performing or fine arts, laboratories, library, computers & ICT and extra- or co-curricular activities (field trips, picnics etc.). No school shall be permitted to charge capitation fees and accept donations or contributions to maintenance or any other kind of funds – whether announced at the time of admissions or otherwise. For children of families below poverty line, there shall be adequate provision for payment of OPPORTUNITY COST (may be in the form of scholarships or stipends) to their parents or guardians for which some rational principles and practicable modalities may be evolved.

· No school shall have NORMS AND STANDARDS relating to infrastructure, teachers, pupil:teacher and classroom:teacher ratios, curriculum and teaching quality lower than that of the KENDRIYA VIDYALAYAS. No more than a five-year frame to be given to achieve this goal.

· Teacher qualifications and pre-service training as per NCTE norms. All teachers to be regular teachers with salaries and other service conditions as per Fifth Pay Commission. All other categories of teachers such as para-teachers and guest teachers to be done away with forthwith.

· No teacher to be deployed on NON-TEACHING DUTIES, INCLUDING THOSE PERTAINING TO ELECTIONS OR CENSUS, the only exception being disaster-relief duties, applicable in all schools (including private unaided schools) without any discrimination whatsoever.

· A COMMON LANGUAGE EDUCATION POLICY to be followed in all categories of schools, while respecting Article 350A in case of “children belonging to linguistic minority groups.” Mother Tongue in pre-primary and early primary years (i.e. until Class II or III) and the State/ UT language from then onwards to Class XII to be the medium of education in all schools, including the private unaided schools. English of equitable quality to be introduced as a subject from Class III or IV onwards. From Class VI onwards, the third language to be introduced as a subject in the Hindi- and Non-Hindi-speaking states/ UTs as per the principles of the Three-Language Formula specified by 1986 policy and the Kothari Commission.

· ALL SCHOOLS WITHIN A STATE/ UT TO BE AFFILIATED TO THE STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION/ EXAMINATION. While following the National Curriculum Framework and its Core Curriculum, broadly along the lines of the 1986 policy, there must be ample provision for essential flexibility, diversity, innovation and creativity (which is lacking in the prevailing system) at the level of a District, Development Block or a school cluster or, whenever justified, even an individual school.

· Prohibition on the sale, lease or rent of the immoveable assets of the government, local body and government-aided schools.

· Financial allocations: The CUMULATIVE GAP building up since Kothari Commission’s recommendations in 1966 to be filled up within the next five years, followed by maintenance of annual educational expenditure at the level of at least 6% of GDP.
· A FINANCIAL MEMORANDUM to be attached to the RTE Bill.
· Prohibition on making profits out of schools or related professions/ activities.
· No School Vouchers.
· No Public-Private Partnership in school education.
· No foreign Boards of Education/ Examination and other assessment agencies to be allowed to operate in India.
· No Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in school education.
· School Education (including pre-primary education) not to be offered to WTO.

Notes:
Pre-primary stage shall comprise at least two years and will be located in the school. The teachers for this crucial stage of child development must have received proper pre-service training in childhood-oriented pedagogy (see 1986 policy, Sections 5.1 to 5.4). Facilities for this sector of teacher education hardly exist. Therefore, a nine-year time frame for developing such facilities will have to be conceived. In the meantime, short-term certificate courses would have to be organized through DIETs in order to meet the crisis. The Draft RTE Bill 2008 has attempted to confuse the issue by falsely equating it with “ICDS or other government programmes.”

In the third ‘Non-Negotiable’ regarding neighbourhood schools, education of equitable quality has been specifically mentioned since the private school lobby is likely to circumvent the provision of neighbourhoodness by setting up parallel sections, branches in slums or villages or even “afternoon schools” for the underprivileged children in the name of giving them special attention by falsely claiming their “academic backwardness.”

Several well-meaning groups have pointed out that the concept of neighbourhood partly loses its relevance in view of the existing socio-cultural “ghettoisation” (e.g. dalit, tribal and muslim localities in both rural and urban areas). This “ghettoisation” is increasing due to rising socio-cultural and communal tensions. It is precisely due to this concern that optimization of “socio-cultural diversity of the children” by the prescribed authority during delineation of the school neighbourhood becomes a crucial element in the guidelines to be incorporated in the Act.
OPPORTUNITY COST is a well accepted economic concept in social theory of educational planning, considering the cost to the poor parents for withdrawing their children from child labour. To be sure, it is indirectly practiced in various States/ UTs by providing scholarships or stipends to SCs, STs and other under-privileged children at the elementary stage. This is the rationale for its inclusion as an essential element in FREE EDUCATION.

[I am stopping here due to other pre-occupations at the moment. I can continue these Notes provided I receive positive feedback regarding their usefulness in our public campaign.]

July 12, 2008
Bhopal

*Drafted by Prof. Anil Sadgopal at the request of the NCCRTECSS Convention. Feedback may be sent to the NCCRTECSS Secretariat at Bhubaneswar at righttoeducation@yahoo.co.in and anilsadgopal@yahoo.com.

झारखण्ड विज्ञान मंच प्रतीक चिन्ह

2006-12-15T14:15:00.000+05:30

2006-12-15T13:28:00.003+05:30

Jharkhand Vigyan Manch (JVM), established in the year 2000, is a Society registered in the State of Jharkhand, India. This has succeeded Science and Technology for Society (STS) operative since 1982 for over a decade followed by as a Unit of Bharat Jan Vigyan Jatha (BJVJ) since 1992. On the issues arising out of Right To Education Act 2009 JVM is also functioning as a member organisation of 'All India Forum for Right To Education'.

Registered Office:

Dhanwanti Bangla,
Shreya Enclave Rd.,
Bariatu, Ranchi-834009
Tele contact:
Phone: 91-651-3255795
Cell: 919835152680
e-mail: jvmjkd@gmail.com

Governing Board

Chairman
Dr. V.N.Sharma,
Consultant, Env., Water & Waste Mgt., Ranchi
Ph. +91- 651-2441524; Mobile: 9431102680
http://tinyurl.com/drvnsharma

Vice – Chairman
Dr. Karuna Jha,
Consultant Gynaecologist,
Bharati Hospital, Kokar,
Ranchi.Ph. 9006771916,9431105585

Principal Co-ordinator
Dr. Arvind Kumar, Reader,
Soil Sc. Dept.BAU, Ranchi
Mobile: 9431393494

Co-ordinator (S & T)
Sri Om Prakash,
SAIL,Ispat Bhawan,
Lodhi Rd., New Delhi
Mobile:09871329344

Co-ordinator (Operations)
Sri Ashok Pd. Singh,
Hehal, Ranchi,
Ph. 0651-2513454
Mobile: +919431371925

Co-ordinator (Finance)
Md. Samiullah Khan,
Ismalia Momin Urdu Girls
H/S Doranda, Ranchi.
Ph. 9709139734.

Co-ordinator (Liaison)
Sri K.D. Ojha,
SAIL/RDCIS, Ranchi
Ph. 9798510040

Co-ordinator (Child Right)
Dr.P.Mukherjee,
KKM College,Pakur
Mobile:9835327205

Regional Co-rdinators(Vacant)

Members
Dr. AK Sarkar, BAU
Dr. CB Choudhury, IT exp
Dr. S.Mazumdar, Steel exp
Dr. SK Mishra, IH
Dr. JK Rath, IH
Ms Sarita Kumari, Bldg Designer,
Sri Umang Sharma, SW
Sri D.R.Singh,JVM
Sri Mahesh Bareja, DPS
Sri R.D.Tigga, RDCIS
Dr. Shashi Bala Singh,
Dr. Gajendra Kumar, IH
Dr. Anil Kumar, IH
Dr. S.Kumar, CHES
Sri Ajay Kumar,Journalist